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When the French talk about love, it's hard to stop them. And no one should try when the French are speaking in one of the dozens of feature films written and directed by Eric Rohmer. The characters in his films were eloquent, addled, obsessively pursuing a line of romantic rhetoric or analyzing the erotic attraction of a teenager's knee. Applying a wry, professorial tone to the book of love, Rohmer beguiled two generations of art-house denizens. His purchase on their finer fancies began with My Night at Maud's, the 1969 chatfest that swept him into...
Creating fables both buoyant and grave, Rohmer had a movie personality hard to describe and harder to forget. Like subtle wines and lingering perfumes, his best films - Maud, Claire, Chloe, the 1994 Rendezvous in Paris - are essences all worth bottling...
...bigger scare is how hard fought the contest became. Even if Coakley wins comfortably now, this past week was a major warning shot for vulnerable members who will surely have taken note at the amount of investment and energy it took to retain the seat. This is Massachusetts, after all, where both Senators, the governor, all 10 congressional members and a large majority of the state legislature are Democrats. It doesn't get much bluer than the Pilgrim State. In other words, whatever happens, the big takeaway from the race will be: If Teddy's seat isn't safe...
...match its policies with reality. About 20% of Italy's foreign population is under age 18. Many of these people know no other home other than the land that won't accept them as its own. Italians don't like to think they're racist, but it would be hard to find a dark-skinned resident who agrees. "We're creating a group of people who are heavily marginalized and will react the way that marginalized people react," says Sciortino. If the country wants to avoid clashes like the one in Rosarno, it will have to shift its efforts from...
...Whichever institutional arrangements are adopted to mount a defense against terrorism, analysts believe the deeper problem will only be tackled through more far-reaching methods such as the overhaul of Pakistan's education system, the development of alternatives to the hard-line Islamist message that resonates in growing parts of the country, and vast development funds that will create jobs and a future for those potentially lured by the call of jihad. Right now, says Siddiqa, "there is no such policy, and nobody is keen to do anything...