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...Flanked by Paul Tsongas on the highroad and Gennifer Flowers on the low, Bill Clinton is doing phone interviews in a hotel room, struggling to keep his presidential hopes alive in the New Hampshire primary. Finishing his chores with the press ("Betcha I said something you can take out of context," he observes wearily), Clinton wanders over to a table where staffers are discussing their image as reported in the press. He claps James Carville, his chief political strategist, on the shoulder and says, "You weird guys gotta stick together...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Clinton's Weird Guy | 11/8/1993 | See Source »

Candidates who elect to run PAC-less campaigns, however, are still in a decided minority. Only two members of the Senate and eight Congressmen decline to accept PAC contributions.* No wonder: unless a candidate is personally wealthy or politically invulnerable, the highroad can be a short cut to defeat. Democratic Congressman Tom Harkin of Iowa, for example, takes PAC money even though he has voted repeatedly to limit PAC influence. Says a Harkin aide: "To refuse PAC money would be to lay down your sword when you know your opponent...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Taking an Ax to the PACs | 8/20/1984 | See Source »

...first mistake was to bicker with Mondale. Taken aback by Mondale's onslaught, Hart was defensive and churlish. Too late, he tried to clamber back on the highroad. "I have really tried very hard not to attack anyone in this race," he insisted in a local television debate two days before the primary. "Voters are fed up with this penny ante, picky business." But he could not restrain himself and fell to quibbling with Mondale over who had started the negative campaigning. Chastened by the New York landslide, Hart grimly announced, "If New York proved anything, it was that...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Fritz Hits One Out of the Park | 4/16/1984 | See Source »

Senator Mark Hatfield believes that Nixon, by not taking the political highroad in his campaign, had missed "a historically unprecedented opportunity to make significant gains in the Senate." That is probably claiming too much. In many places the Nixon-Agnew approach evidently hurt. In others, it is possible to argue that the results would have been roughly the same no matter what Nixon did or what he might have done. Only in one sense were the voters predictable this year: the polls did fairly well in forecasting the outcome of various races. But in general, it was an election...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Nation: Issues That Lost, Men Who Won | 11/16/1970 | See Source »

...gesture of his career burned a copy of it at a mass meeting. "By 1837," writes Thomas, "antislavery had reached a crossroad. One road led into the broad highway of American political reform . . . that connected with the continuity and conservative tradition of American life. The other road was a highroad of moral idealism, which cut directly across the conservative pattern of American society to revolution, secession and civil war. This was the road Garrison chose." Thomas, apparently, belongs to the "unnecessary war" school of historians and implies that the conservative "broad highway" would have brought an end to slavery without...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Books: A Weakness for Utopias | 3/1/1963 | See Source »

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