Word: hoffmann
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...Stanley Hoffmann, professor of Government, said yesterday "the important round is next week." He explained that the French vote on two consecutive Sundays, and only those with an absolute majority are elected the first week. A simple plurality is required to win the second election...
...each other; because he understands his parents strength and failures on both levels, he doesn't resort to violence to prove his commitment, and he's not convinced that the heritage of industrial uprisings must be followed in order to best attack capitalist societies. (At one point, an Above Hoffmann-type radical says that the media are what must be invaded in order to influence the nation, and Daniel is considerably moved...
...evident weakness is that the balance-of-power design has not allowed much of a role for lesser nations. The White House has tried to compensate by declaring that in reality Japan and Western Europe are the two additional poles in a pentagonal relationship. Argues Harvard Government Professor Stanley Hoffmann: "We have, especially in Asia, moved as if the era of horizontal great-power diplomacy had arrived, and our weaker allies are disconcerted. We have, both in Europe and in Asia, behaved as if our principal allies were already part friends, part rivals...
Diplomatic Game. Nixon's new policy is a direct shift away from the cold war rigidity and messianism of the 1950s and early 1960s?an ideological policy based upon a national agreement that the U.S. had a moral responsibility to contain Communism. As Harvard Political Scientist Stanley Hoffmann observes, "The external development of the 1960s made obsolete the strategy that had been devised in the late 1940s. The war in Viet Nam destroyed the consensus. In a way, this may have been a service?at what a price?for it forced Americans to face the obsolescence of policy earlier than...
Describing the Kissinger-Nixon design, Hoffmann continues: "Ideology would not disappear, but its external effects would be neutralized; different political systems would coexist. A great power would be more concerned with its maneuvers with and around the other major states than with the courtship of the weak. Thus mobility would be restored to the diplomatic game, and changes in the international system would once more result from the playing of the game itself rather than from 'eyeball to eyeball' crises...