Word: hua
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Dates: during 1970-1979
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...Wang Fu Ching Street was undeniably momentous. As part of a continuing campaign to deglorify Mao Tsetung, the poster dared for the first time to criticize the late Great Helmsman by name for serious political mistakes. Indirectly, in a move that could have ominous repercussions, the poster also criticized Hua Kuo-feng, Mao's chosen successor as Party Chairman and Premier...
...outraged by the affair and blamed it on Teng; the Chairman insisted that Teng, a protege of Chou's, had orchestrated the demonstration to enhance his own position. Mao pronounced the demonstrators "counterrevolutionaries" and purged Teng as a potential heir apparent in favor of the relatively unknown Hua. Five months later, as he lay dying, Mao is said to have whispered to Hua: "With you in charge, I am at ease," and, sure enough, Hua later became both Premier and Party Chairman. Not until July 1977, when his talents were required to supervise China's economic changes...
...involved in the activities of two of Peking's now most reviled political figures, Mao's wife Chiang Ch'ing and former Defense Minister Lin Piao. Another poster called for the nullification of the April 7, 1976, Central Committee resolution that had purged Teng and elevated Hua, and demanded that the Politburo now redefine the T'ien An Men Square demonstrators as revolutionaries instead of counterrevolutionaries...
China watchers wondered whether Teng had enough power to take on Hua himself. Indeed, at week's end sidewalk orators began to harangue street crowds, and new posters blossomed, finding fault with Chairman Hua personally. Even more startling, both Taiwan and the U.S., once derided for their capitalist faults, were held up by orators as models of economic progress that China would do well to emulate. Given all this, foreign embassies began to flash home word of major impending developments, including perhaps the possibility of a new line-up in Peking's Politburo. Whatever happens, the results seem...
...avoiding the decisive actions required if the plan is to succeed. Even Teng's most fervent supporters are afraid that the four modernizations program will survive only as long as its septuagenarian founder. Though it appears unlikely that his pragmatic goals will be abandoned, there is evidence that Hua and others in the Politburo have accepted them with less zeal and enthusiasm than Teng would like...