Word: inf
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Dates: during 1980-1989
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...possibility of an INF agreement. In this kind of thing, you can say you're "this close," but "this close" can be as good as a mile if you don't have an agreement. The facts are that if you take their INF position and ours at the start of these negotiations and compare the situation now, as Shevardnadze and I did in Washington, you see that there is a great deal of change, and you can identify perhaps three or four areas that need to be the focus of negotiations. With respect to three of the four, there...
...least in his mind, quite different from those of his predecessors. Last spring he proclaimed himself free of SALT II strictures because he believed the arms-limitation process to be little more than a codification of the arms race. But he sees his own proposals, including the INF agreement now well on its way to fruition, as blueprints for actual weapons reductions...
...hope of both leaders is that in Iceland they can agree on the general outlines for an accord that would drastically reduce INF (intermediate-range nuclear forces) missiles and warheads. Diplomats would then try to put a pact in shape for the leaders to sign if and when they eventually meet in the U.S. That does seem possible; negotiators in Geneva have come close to accord on the basic numbers. But an INF pact is far from assured. Though Moscow no longer insists that one be linked to a reduction on long-range strategic weapons and a ban on space...
Reagan expects to hit human rights almost as hard as Gorbachev will stress INF and a test ban. He will press once again for more Jewish emigration from the U.S.S.R., reunification of families divided by the Iron Curtain, release of other Soviet dissidents besides Orlov, and less internal repression generally. American experts concede there has been little sign of Soviet give on any of these matters: the best one can predict is a "long, tough discussion." Reagan's advisers are convinced the Soviets do not appreciate how seriously the U.S. takes human rights, and think they need to hear...
...INF? The issue has certainly stirred passion in the past. When the U.S. began installing missiles in Western Europe in late 1983, the Soviets stomped out of the Geneva arms negotiations for 16 months. Nonetheless, the Soviet SS- 20s and the U.S. Pershing IIs and cruise missiles in Europe do not play a central part in either superpower's nuclear strategy. They are important less as weapons than as political symbols, and in that role they have largely outlived their usefulness. The menace of the Soviet SS-20s failed to scare West European nations out of their alliance with...