Word: inf
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Dates: during 1980-1989
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...individuals in foreign policy negotiation. Deadly Gambits will clearly enter the history books on a par with such works as Robert I. Kennedy '40's account of the Cuban Missile Crisis and George F. Kennan's writings on containment. But this dual account of the Intermediate Nuclear Force (INF) talks and Strategic Arms Reduction Talks (START) suffers critically from an almost exclusive focus on, and a slant against, the current Administration's conduct of nuclear arms negotiations. The Soviets are dealt with sparingly, if at all, and one is left with an eerie sensation akin to hearing only one side...
...SUCH even-handed and realistic treatment dies an early death in his first segment, which deals with the INF talks. He first goes through perhaps the clearest description yet published of the original rationale for Euromissile deployment back in the late...
...However, Washington would not do so until after the testing later this year of a fighter-launched antisatellite weapon. The State Department group hopes that the talks would eventually be expanded to include most other issues on the arms-control agenda, including the suspended negotiations on medium-range weapons (INF) and new strategic defenses, space based and otherwise...
...INF (for Intermediate-range Nuclear Forces) talks. When they began in November 1981, the U.S. planned to install in Western Europe 572 single-warhead Pershing II and Tomahawk cruise missiles to counter Soviet deployment of triple-warhead SS-20 missiles (about 270 in place then, more than 370 now) that were or could be targeted at Western Europe. The opening U.S. position was the "zero option": no U.S. deployment, scrapping of the entire Soviet SS-20 force. Later Reagan proposed an "interim solution": if the Soviets would reduce the number of SS-20s, the U.S. would deploy fewer than...
...bombers) lower than those set by the SALT II treaty. The U.S. complained that the Kremlin would retain a long lead in monster land-based missiles. The Reagan Administration regards these as the most "destabilizing" and dangerous nuclear weapons because they could deliver a devastating first strike. Unlike the INF talks, the START negotiations were never formally ended. But after the deployment of U.S. Pershing II and Tomahawk missiles in Europe began, the Soviets contended that they would have to reassess the global nuclear balance before proposing a date to restart START. Twenty-two months later they still show...