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Compliance. Opponents' best hope might be an amendment requiring the President to certify Soviet adherence to all other arms-control agreements before the INF pact could be carried out. "The beauty of this kind of amendment is that it is very easily understandable to the average American," says Dan Casey, head of the American Conservative Union. "You don't sign contracts with people who have not honored past contracts." Reagan has been backpedaling on this thorny topic. In a report to Congress on arms-control negotiations last March, the President cited compliance with deals in the past as an "essential...
...treating that ABM accord. The Administration insists that what the Senate was told by + Government witnesses during ratification hearings is not relevant to what the treaty really means on the subject of space-based defense. This outrages Nunn, who threatens to review the entire negotiation record of the INF pact unless the President and his advisers abandon the notion that they can reinterpret a treaty after the Senate has ratified...
...vote for something Wallop or Helms introduces," says a veteran Capitol Hill staffer. He adds, "A lot will depend on Dole." Fortunately for Reagan, the Senate minority leader and presidential candidate finally seemed ready to support the accord, after weeks of mealymouthed hedging. Last week Bob Dole called the INF treaty a "watershed accomplishment." He also said he did not foresee "any amendment that's going to require renegotiation...
...seven years. By seeking to roll back Communist influence and reduce, rather than merely limit, the number of nuclear weapons on both sides, Reagan believes he has repudiated the flawed policies of his predecessors. Many of the claims he made in his televised speech Thursday night were overstated: the INF treaty is not the first to require reductions in the number of nuclear weapons (SALT II provided for limited cuts), the summit did not represent a victory for his SDI program, and he was not able to make human rights or regional issues anything more than a sideshow...
...invited several groups of influential Americans to the Soviet embassy to push his case for arms reductions, world peace and his internal reforms. By far the most important of these meetings was with nine congressional leaders, including four of the Senators who will ultimately decide whether to ratify the INF treaty. Most of the legislators came out of the 90-minute meeting impressed by Gorbachev's intelligence, candor and optimism. But many of them let the General Secretary know that some positive Soviet actions were necessary to improve relations. Senate Majority Leader Robert Byrd, a West Virginia Democrat, noted that...