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...late November the first U.S. Pershing II ballistic missiles arrived in West Germany, and the first Tomahawk ground-launched cruise missiles were placed in Great Britain. That triggered the long-threatened Soviet walkout from the INF talks. Two weeks later, on Dec. 8, Karpov and his delegation ended the fifth round of START with an announcement that "in view of the deployment of new U.S. missiles in Europe, which has already begun, changes in the global strategic situation make it necessary for the Soviet side to review all problems under discussion...
...strong implication was that START, as well as the INF talks, would remain stymied by that Soviet demand. If the Soviet Union is unyielding on that point, there may never be a resumption of serious negotiations...
...Europe should take over those arms-control negotiations that deal with weapons stationed on European soil. The INF negotiations with the Soviets (for intermediate-range missiles) and the MBFR negotiations (on conventional
...same token, European leadership in the MBFR and INF negotiations would place final responsibility for both conventional force levels and intermediate-range missile deployment in Europe with the leaders whose countries will have to bear the brunt?for good or ill?of the outcome of these negotiations. This is especially important with respect to the American intermediate-range missiles in Europe. That deployment makes sense only if the allies genuinely believe that the prospect of a nuclear blow from Europe on Soviet territory will help deter a Soviet conventional attack or nuclear blackmail. If our principal allies do not share...
European chairmanship of the INF talks would oblige Europe's leaders to face the issue headon; their domestic critics would no longer be able to argue (as they do now) that U.S. intransigence is the principal obstacle to arms control...