Word: intifadeh
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...government of national unity, predicted change "in a decade if not sooner." For its continued existence, he said, Israel needed "the goodwill of friends like the U.S., which requires our being seen as morally in the right." Rabin knew that Israel's repression of the Palestinians during the intifadeh, for which he himself bore considerable responsibility, was causing many to "view us as no different than our enemies." That, he said, could be catastrophic, both "for our soul and for the support we need. Peres, I fear, could someday cause a problem in that regard...
...legitimacy as our partner in the quest for peace. Arafat is currently the only man capable of reining in the suicide bombers of Hamas. Moreover, the only way Israel will be rid of terrorism will be to raise a generation of Palestinian children who never experience occupation and intifadeh. The peace process is our only hope of raising this generations...
...Rabin believed in strongly pursuing a straightforward--if often difficult--policy. When it came to fighting the Arabs, he was prepared to go to great lengths (in 1987, as Defense Minister, he is alleged to have instructed his troops to "break the bones" of Palestinian demonstrators in the intifadeh). But he was likewise willing to go enormous distances in pursuit of peace. Last Saturday pursuit of that goal took him all the way to his grave...
...next seven years, Rabin retreated to Labor's back bench until a national-unity government turned to him as Defense Minister in 1984. In this post, he proved implacable in his determination to suppress the Palestinian intifadeh, the uprising against Israeli rule that exploded across the occupied territories in 1987. When the beatings and deportations he ordered proved ineffectual, Rabin decided that 1.7 million captive people could not be ruled by force, and he made the idea of a negotiated peace the theme of his 1992 campaign against Likud Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir. To achieve peace, he told the voters...
...roads, some improvement in education and public health--that's it." More trenchant complaints focus on corruption and nepotism in the Authority, the intimidating presence of several Palestinian security services and the lack of legal recourse. "No one feels free to talk," says Abdul-Hadi. "Even during the intifadeh [the 1987-94 Palestinian uprising] we could speak more freely." Since the Authority took control, about 1,500 people, most described as Arafat opponents, have been detained, often without formal charges. A State High Security Court, whose legal foundation is the revolutionary code that the Palestine Liberation Organization adopted in Lebanon...