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...said his Illinois colleague Paul Douglas, "is a man of no principles." Dirksen preferred to call it "flexibility," and that kindlier word, which suggests growth rather than knavery, often proved accurate enough to describe his shifts in policy. During his 35 years in the House and Senate, Dirksen was isolationist, internationalist, champion of Joe McCarthy, internationalist again, antiwar critic (Korea), apologist for war (Viet Nam), Goldwaterite, and finally, an improbable shepherd of nearly all the major civil rights legislation of the '60s. Toward the end of his life-he died in 1969-it began to seem that Dirksen...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Books: Hierophant on the Hill | 1/18/1971 | See Source »

...VIETNAM may have marked the end of America's love affair with the free world and, even more decisively, with the notion of collective defense and mutual security. The current isolationist-internationalist debate threatens to undercut Presidential activism. Vietnam has shaken the tenacity of even Nixon's anti-Communist ideology. He is somewhere between believing in the essential rightness of the war and recognizing that American interest requires its liquidation. His effort to scale down the war may seem imperceptible-indeed he still clings to the rhetoric of intervention and to the paranoid concern for national prestige-but that only...

Author: By Thomas Geoghegan, | Title: Foreign Policy The Vatican Vision | 10/21/1970 | See Source »

...ISOLATIONIST challenge to the internationalist mentality (both Cold War and radical) has been disappointing so far. Isolationist liberals reject ideology but lack the courage of their convictions, shirking the point-blank predicaments of modern statecraft. They must first specify the genuine obligation, if any, of the U. S. to Europe, Japan and the Middle East. They must also confront in some co-herent way the problem of imperialism, Communist or anti-Communist. Anti-imperialist convictions might endanger the Soviet-American detente-a detente which most liberals now exploit as a primary tactic against excessive military spending. The new isolationists ignored...

Author: By Thomas Geoghegan, | Title: Foreign Policy The Vatican Vision | 10/21/1970 | See Source »

...worry about. Few liberals have thought out the difficulties of dismantling the Cold War bureaucracy, and no one has proposed the goals which a post-Vietnam foreign policy should pursue. Another East-West confrontation like the 1962 missile crisis-this time perhaps in Israel-might totally disorient the liberal isolationist impulse. The problem of aggression is the sleeper in the isolationist critique, a critique which does nothing more than ask America to be nice...

Author: By Thomas Geoghegan, | Title: Foreign Policy The Vatican Vision | 10/21/1970 | See Source »

Perhaps the desultory isolationist-internationalist debate illustrates the poverty of democratic politics for making foreign policy. It leaves an activist President to do much as he wishes in Asia and Europe. The electorate has resigned itself on Vietnam, refusing even to make it an issue. Public tolerance has its limits, but so long as Nixon seems inclined to reduce the level of fighting, he may proceed as slowly as he wishes. He retains his free hand to steady the dangers in the Middle East with a rather showy brand of gunboat diplomacy. As the Administration's Vietnam strategy has provided...

Author: By Thomas Geoghegan, | Title: Foreign Policy The Vatican Vision | 10/21/1970 | See Source »

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