Word: jordanian
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Dates: during 1970-1979
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...King's troops began retaliating against the fedayeen, it looked as if the Soviet-backed regimes of Iraq and Syria might intervene. To complicate matters further, guerrillas hijacked four foreign airliners in early September and directed three of them to a dirt airstrip 30 miles from the Jordanian capital of Amman: there they held hundreds of passengers as ransom for imprisoned fedayeen. "Black September," the climactic clash between Hussein and the guerrillas who increasingly threatened his rule, was beginning to unfold. To weigh the situation, Kissinger activated his crisis committee, the Washington Special Action Group (WSAG). At the group...
...Soviet Union without consulting his senior advisers. An Israeli ground operation could produce a Middle Eastern war. I called Sisco, who said he agreed with the President's decision. I next called Secretary of State William Rogers, who had serious reservations, especially in the absence of a formal Jordanian request for ground support. Defense Secretary Mel Laird was ambiguous; he wanted to consider the intelligence. At 7:10 a.m. I urged the President again to call a meeting of his senior advisers in view of the differences of opinion among them. He now reluctantly agreed...
What started out as an imminent Jordanian collapse was beginning to reverse itself. Tuesday, Sept. 22, brought good news. The Jordanians, emboldened by our moves and by the fact that the Syrian air force (under a general named Hafez Assad) pointedly stayed out of combat, were beginning to attack Syrian tanks around Irbid from the air. The estimate was that Syria had lost 120 tanks. The Iraqi forces [17,000 of them were still encamped in east Jordan three years after the Six-Day War that had brought them there] remained inactive. Egypt informed us that the Soviets had made...
...Israel's grip over the West Bank and Gaza while alleviating the costs and load of occupation, as Begin seems to hope) may lead either to a dead end, or to a destination unwelcome to most Israelis, that Israel's Labor Party and many Americans still hope for a "Jordanian solution." But Hussein seems reluctant to risk compromising his kingdom's stability by imposing his rule on Palestinians who, after 12 years under Israeli occupation, appear eager for an entity of their...
...Jordanian solution" would require, first, a willingness of Israel to give up the Labor Party's notion of partition of the West Bank, which is as unacceptable to Jordan as it is to the Palestinians or the PLO; secondly, the acceptance of such a solution by the West Bank leaders. While the PLO has few military cards, it has decisive assets when it comes to a political solution, largely because of its hold over the West Bank population, and because of its capacity, if kept aside, to make trouble for all the Arab states other than Egypt--something Syria...