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The second crucial difference is demographic. By 1960 there were 35 to 40 million Catholics in the U.S., strategically settled in a dozen swing states from the Northeast across the Midwest. Those voters had in many cases gone for Eisenhower. Kennedy wanted to bring them home to the Democrats. Playing...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Is This Romney's Kennedy Moment? | 12/5/2007 | See Source »

Like Kennedy and his Catholics, Romney presumably has a lock on the Mormon vote. But that bloc is much smaller, perhaps five or six million strong. And instead of being concentrated in swing states, Mormons reside largely in intermountain states that for the most part are already solidly Republican. In...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Is This Romney's Kennedy Moment? | 12/5/2007 | See Source »

Then there are the differing thresholds. For one thing, Kennedy needed to lower the fears of Vatican control of American policy, so he could flatly state that he would not be taking orders from Rome and that his faith was a private matter. Romney at a minimum needs to do...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Is This Romney's Kennedy Moment? | 12/5/2007 | See Source »

Kennedy and his team thought the problem they faced was ignorance, which could be addressed by educating voters. But Evangelicals believe Mormonism is a faith that views the Bible as requiring revision, and that when Romney says Christ is his Saviour, he doesn't mean it the same way evangelicals...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Is This Romney's Kennedy Moment? | 12/5/2007 | See Source »

And that brings up another crucial difference between Romney's predicament and Kennedy's. You could call it the fervor gap. Like the Southern Baptists, Mormons are a professing religion: they want to spread the word, win converts, save souls. This isn't a problem for a lot of Americans...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Is This Romney's Kennedy Moment? | 12/5/2007 | See Source »

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