Word: khrushchevism
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Dates: during 1960-1969
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...professed to divine signs that the 62-year-old Premier might be in failing health and weary of the job. Instead, Kosygin was unanimously re-elected by the delegates on the first day, along with some of the other members of the collective leadership that took over from Nikita Khrushchev almost two years ago: among them President Nikolai Podgorny and First Deputy Premiers Kyrill Mazurov and Dmitry Poliansky...
...Broadway? Pasternak, says Voznesensky, made him what he is today. At eleven he became the great man's protégé, and at 20 he published the first of his five books of verse. By 1959 he was famous. By 1963 he was in serious trouble. Khrushchev went after him hammer and sickle as a "bourgeois formalist," and Russia's jackal journals bayed that he had "one foot in Gorky Street and the other on Broadway." Then the tone changed, and in April of this year Voznesensky was permitted to tour the U.S., reading his poems...
...fault. With Ranković went Secret Police Boss Svetislav Stefanović, 55, whose ubiquitous UDBA spy network had kept a tough, unrelenting grip on Yugoslavia since 1946. In one stroke, Tito had dismantled the entire upper echelon of his secret police-a move unparalleled in the Communist world since Khrushchev destroyed Soviet Top Cop Lavrenty Beria...
...institutes of higher learning. The number of high school graduates is more than 2,700,000, twice last year's record total. In part, the sudden increase reflects the coming to maturity of a postwar baby crop, but much of it is due to one of Nikita Khrushchev's colossal mistakes. In 1958 he decreed that high school students must work two days a week in factories, which meant adding an eleventh year to the curriculum. Factory managers complained that the students were a liability not an asset. So two years ago, Russia scrapped the system and went...
Avtorkhanov concedes that Brezhnev and Kosygin have granted what amounts to unprecedented concessions to democracy. Russian industry has introduced the profit motive. The Red army, which played a hand in Khrushchev's fall, has been given political rights and powers that, for the first time, crack the monolithic power structure of the state. But Avtorkhanov warns that none of these alterations should give much comfort to the West. Russian Communism, he says, comes perilously near to being self-perpetuating, proof against every perturbation beneath it: "The party apparatus is superior not only to the state but to the party...