Word: khrushchevism
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...changing consumers' wants. Sometimes it succeeds; sometimes it does not. Insofar as it leaves our wants unchanged, it is a simple waste of money. Insofar as it changes our wants, it remains a waste, although a complex one. The point is that Professor Galbraith, Mr. Packard, Comrade Khrushchev and Chairman Mao could change our wants more and faster for much less than the $12 billion charged by Madison Avenue...
Setting the Course. "I never cared too much for old Harry Truman," growled a California farmer. "But he damn sure wouldn't have let Khrushchev move into Cuba." "We had a chance to correct the Cuba situation," said Thomas O'Grady, an Illinois railroad switchman. "But we lost it. I'm not blaming Kennedy, but hell, we've got to do something before things get out of hand down there." Following the example of Senior Republican Dwight Eisenhower, G.O.P. candidates have taken to the attack, charging the Administration with irresolution in its foreign policy and weakness...
Palaver at State. Both London and Paris essentially agreed with Schroder's estimate. In Moscow, Nikita Khrushchev had a three-hour talk with Ambassador Foy Kohler in which he delivered no warnings, and pushed no harder than before. In Washington, Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko, at his own request, saw Kennedy and Secretary of State Rusk. As usual, Gromyko was adamant; at a State Department dinner the dialogue droned on roughly like this...
Decisive Break. Responsible for the change was Socialist Party Leader Pietro Nenni, a longtime fellow traveler who split with the Reds in Parliament after Nikita Khrushchev's revelations about Stalin in 1956. But the split was far from committing his entire party. Last week at a three-day meeting of the Socialist Party's Central Committee Nenni proposed to make the break decisive. He offered to open negotiations with the government for a five-year joint legislative program which, if the Fanfani government buys it, will probably bring the Socialists into the government after next spring...
...President was talking explicitly to Premier Khrushchev and the Soviet leadership. He assumed that the military build-up of the beleaguered island was no longer a matter of Cuban authority. And if he offered any political leeway (even the alternative of a back-down), it was to the Soviet suppliers, not the Cuban consumers...