Word: kosygin
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Occasionally, Johnson would erupt, recalling the "whirlwind President" of 1964. His popularity rating spurted when he met with Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin at the Glassboro summit and impressed him as a man to be reckoned with. Johnson ended one of the long silent spells with his now-famous "new look" press conference, during which he prowled a makeshift stage in the East Room of the White House like a restless tiger, exuding confidence and control. Before an A.F.L.-C.I.O. convention in December, he lit into the Republican "wooden soldiers of the status quo" who were poleaxing his programs in Congress...
...Dominican Republic, the President's swift application of military strength followed by an intense diplomatic campaign proved, in the end, a successful maneuver. He has also applied indirect pressure with superb efficacy. Twice he used it to avert a war over Cyprus. His historic hot-line exchange with Kosygin during the Arab-Israeli War contained that conflict on terms acceptable to both the U.S. and Russia. Johnson's artful cajolery ended the rail crisis in 1964, and his masterful manipulation of Congress in the early days of his presidency helped him to clean up a log jam of domestic programs...
...rule Russia today make a much more realistic assessment of American power than their predecessors, but they are divided over just how to deal with it-Brezhnev and Suslov being more militant than Kosygin and Podgorny. The Viet Nam war, of course, poisons U.S.-Soviet relationships. The Russians were originally willing to consider South Viet Nam as more or less within the U.S. sphere of influence, even though they regularly aided Hanoi. When the U.S. began intensive bombing of North Viet Nam in 1965, the Kremlin's line on the war swerved noticeably; Russia...
...such that no one man is likely to impose his will against the others. A majority vote in the Politburo decides policy on many issues. Even Brezhnev was dealt a setback recently when the Politburo cut back by 13% his fiveyear, $45 billion crash investment program in agriculture. Kosygin was reported to have opposed bringing Sinyavsky and Daniel to trial but to have been outvoted by his colleagues. The move toward high-level democratization has in no way been institutionalized, however, and it is still possible that one man could again gather all the power into his own hands...
Brezhnev and Kosygin are in agreement about liberalization in Russia, but Brezhnev takes ideology more into consideration and generally prefers a relatively tougher line. Kosygin is more practical and realistic and, though no liberal in the Western sense (both he and Brezhnev served time in Stalin's ca dres), is more or less looked to by the new intelligentsia as their best hope for further relaxation of party control. Suslov is more of a hardliner, while Podgorny has the strongest liberal tendencies of all. All four distrust the ambitious younger leaders, at whom they recently struck a blow...