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...before the attack, Foreign Minister V.M. Molotov called in the German ambassador, Count Friedrich von der Schulenberg, and said the Soviets were "unable to understand the reasons for Germany's dissatisfaction." Schulenberg said he would try to find out. A few hours later, at dawn, he returned to the Kremlin with a message from Berlin. It accused the Soviets of violating the Nazi-Soviet pact, massing their troops and planning a surprise attack on Germany. "The Fuhrer," it concluded, "has therefore ordered the German armed forces to oppose this threat with all the means at their disposal." When Schulenberg finished...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Desperate Years | 9/4/1989 | See Source »

...Hitler ordered the start of an all-out drive on Moscow, which the Wehrmacht now surrounded on three sides, only 20 to 30 miles outside the city. One infantry unit got as far as the suburb of Khimki, from which the Germans could actually see the towers of the Kremlin, but that was as far as they could go before Soviet tanks drove them out again. And all along the front, the Soviet defenders held fast. Then, on Dec. 6, the Soviets somehow produced 100 new divisions and launched a counteroffensive that sent the Germans reeling back 50 miles...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Desperate Years | 9/4/1989 | See Source »

Nonetheless, last week's seismic developments in Poland reverberated from Moscow to Washington and beyond. The Kremlin said Jaruzelski's decision was Poland's business, but the success -- or failure -- of a government led by a & non-Communist in Warsaw is bound to have an impact on Mikhail Gorbachev's political reforms in the Soviet Union. The West applauded carefully, wary that too hearty a response might be considered meddling that could unbalance the delicate experiment. "We would encourage a non-Communist government in the process of pluralism, of course," said presidential spokesman Marlin Fitzwater. But George Bush "would...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: An Epochal Shift | 8/28/1989 | See Source »

Soviet fears may also have been assuaged in July, when senior Solidarity leaders invalidated their votes and allowed Jaruzelski to be installed in the presidency, thus proving that the trade union was sensitive to geopolitical realities. The Kremlin may have changed its thinking since 1981, but Solidarity has changed as well...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Moscow Speaks Softly | 8/28/1989 | See Source »

Officially recognizing that such nationalities issues are "acute," the Kremlin last week proposed a policy that would grant increased autonomy to all 15 republics and rewrite the 1922 treaty creating the Soviet Union and defining the rights and obligations of its republics. "Recent events," said the proposal, show "a need for radical transformations in the Soviet federation." Specifics are to be discussed at a special Central Committee plenum next month. It will be another risky venture for President Mikhail Gorbachev, aimed at resolving the nationalities problem without curtailing his reform program -- or his hold on power...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Soviet Union: The Baltics Set the Agenda | 8/28/1989 | See Source »

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