Word: labor
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Dates: during 1960-1969
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Goldberg is not so erudite or engaging as Dean Acheson or McGeorge Bundy. But he is probably the most astute negotiator who has ever served as Secretary of Labor. President Kennedy once dispatched Goldberg to New York City to avert an imminent strike by the musicians in the Metropolitan Opera. According to press reports, Goldberg almost single-handedly molded a settlement in time to let the show...
Goldberg won fame as general counsel for the CIO and later the United Steelworkers. He suffered setbacks in that role, principally during the 1952 and 1959 steel strikes. But as a labor lawyer, he reaped political hay that gave a definite boost to his ambitions for public service. He played a major role in fighting Communist influences in CIO labor unions, in kicking the Teamsters out of the AFL-CIO, and in swinging a large part of organized labor behind the Presidential drive of Senator John F. Kennedy...
After a few years as the head of the Labor Department, Kennedy appointed Goldberg to the Supreme Court. It was widely reported that he found the ivory tower atmosphere stifling, not exciting enough for an avowed activist. Yet in late 1964, reports began to circulate that Goldberg had gotten used to his new job, and was beginning to enjoy his role in determining long-term Constitutional principles. Yet he left abruptly in July, 1965, to succeed the late Adlai Setvenson as U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations...
...confident that his abilities and patience at a bargaining table could help to solve the conflict in Vietnam. After all, conflict-solving through long, often dull talk, had been the premise for Goldberg's entire career. But this time he wasn't a mediator or adversary in a domestic labor dispute; he had involved himself in the more subtle--and far more perplexing--world of international politics. Unlike American labor-management disputes, international opponents find it difficult to agree on ground rules, much less what terms of settlement actually mean...
...critics contend, an army, composed of volunteers would be a poor man's army. But there is no reason why the army should reflect the basic inequities of American society any less than other jobs or institutions. Already the rich are freed from ditch-digging, construction work, hard labor of any sort. Are we to correct this inequity by conscripting people into the ditches? Highways, after all, are as much of a national necessity as wars...