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This time around, though, he might not be able to enact controls even if he wanted to. Wilson's appeal rests primarily on his image as the one politician on friendly enough terms with the Union leaders to keep them in check. If Labour is in power, so the argument goes, the unions will not humiliate the government by forcing large wage increases. The Conservatives, on the other hand, will exacerbate the situation the way they did during the coal strike last winter. Wilson's power over the unions, however, has largely disappeared. Not only have the big unionists--like...

Author: By Paul K. Rowe, | Title: A Glorious Revolution? | 10/9/1974 | See Source »

...last couple of years, Labour has swung swiftly and militantly to the left. Since World War I, Labour party strategy had been to present itself as a political party just like any other party appealing to a broad cross-section of the population and not just to class interests. Herbert Morrison was the custodian of this vision of the parliamentary Labour Party, and since his death more than a decade ago the party has abandoned his position. Once again, Labour represents the working class, and, as far as it is concerned, its appeal to anyone else is purely coincidental...

Author: By Paul K. Rowe, | Title: A Glorious Revolution? | 10/9/1974 | See Source »

...surprising, then, that the sudden, much-publicized resurgence of the Liberal party came at the moment that Labour reverted to its pre-war role--for it was the Liberal party whose constituency had largely switched to Labour ranks Under the photogenic leadership of Jeremy Thorpe, the Liberals received nearly 20 per cent of the popular vote in the election held last February. But under Britain's system of parliamentary representation they hold only 14 seats in a Parliament of 635. Thus the Liberals' chief hope for the future is proportional representation. Without it they can never hope...

Author: By Paul K. Rowe, | Title: A Glorious Revolution? | 10/9/1974 | See Source »

INTO THIS complicated brew of motives and counter-motives is thrown the question of Scottish independence. Labour may be denied a majority not by the Conservatives or even the Liberals, but by the various nationalist or regionalist parties, particularly the Scottish Nationalist Party (SNP). The SNP holds 18 of the 71 Scottish seats at Westminster and chances are that they will increase this substantial share. The SNP stands for eventual self-government for Scotland, but its most immediate goal is economic independence...

Author: By Paul K. Rowe, | Title: A Glorious Revolution? | 10/9/1974 | See Source »

...resulted in several significant moves by the English political parties. The Conservatives have least to lose in Scotland since they control only 21 seats, mostly in rural areas where squirearchical traditions are still strong. The industrial towns of the Lowlands, however, have always been among the safest of safe Labour fiefdoms. Labour needs the 32 Scottish seats it now has to maintain its majority in Parliament, but its concessions to Scottish national feeling came too little and too late. Labour promises about the same as the Conservatives--a consultative assembly with power over aspects of housing, education, and welfare...

Author: By Paul K. Rowe, | Title: A Glorious Revolution? | 10/9/1974 | See Source »

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