Word: law
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Dates: during 1930-1939
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...Great Court Battle, when Henry Agard Wallace charged that in ordering the return of $200,000,000 of AAA's invalidated processing taxes, the Supreme Court had authorized "the greatest legal steal in history." Since then the Court has come to terms with most of the organic law of the New Deal. But by last week there were signs that the Court fight was passing into a second stage, not over the drafting of New Deal law but over its administration. There were also signs that Henry Agard Wallace meant to be in the thick...
Last fortnight. Chief Justice Hughes, addressing the American Law Institute in Washington, declared: "The multiplication of administrative agencies is the outstanding characteristic of our time. The controversies within the range of administrative action may be different and extremely important, and they may call for a particular type of experience and special methods of inquiry, but the spirit which should animate that action . . . must be the spirit of the just judge...
...Kluxers could be invoked to reenforce the National Labor Relations Act with criminal penalties. The act of 1870 makes conspiracy to violate any constitutionally guaranteed right an offense punishable by fines up to $5,000, imprisonment up to ten years. Inasmuch as the Wagner Act is a civil law entailing no such penalties for denial of the right to join a union, success in the Harlan case would give the NLRB a telling threat against many a potent, non-union industrialist...
...constituents: "He comes to us like the Greeks of old. . . ." He was opposed for renomination last week by onetime State Senator Henry L. Hess, who received oblique White House endorsement through letters from Secretary Ickes and Nebraska's George W. Norris. Governor Martin and his sturdy Law & Order platform were edged out, 57,727 to 50,905. Uncertain whether the President or labor had given him the harder boot, Old Iron Pants growled: "The results have in no way changed my convictions...
...Massachusetts Supreme Court yesterday threw an effective obstacle in the path of social progress. Basing its brief on a fact of dubious relevancy--"that the moral and social wrongs arising from the prevention of conception appeared . . . threatening in 1879"--the Court showed a deliberate unwillingness to interpret the law in the light of modern needs. The decision was a great deal more concerned with the "sexual immorality" it hoped to prevent, than with the appalling human misery it was perpetuating. Until knowledge long in possession of the rich is made accessible to the underprivileged, social standards in Massachusetts will remain...