Word: localize
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Dates: during 1960-1969
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...dismantle the Office of Economic Opportunity altogether. The plan was to carve up the program's appendages among existing Government departments while, at the same time, substantially reducing overall antipoverty appropriations. The scheme seemed persuasive to many conservative Southerners and normally liberal big-city Democrats, who complain that local politicians do not have enough control over many OEO projects in their areas. After last summer's riots, there was bitter talk about not rewarding rioters, and the plan's success seemed to be inevitable. Few on Capitol Hill could challenge the self-confident assertion of New York...
...sure just what new formula would work until Oregon's Edith Green suggested that state and local officials be given the control over local programs that they had long asked for. The leadership agreed, not only mollifying Southerners but also assuring that big-city Democratic machines would throw their all into the battle. The dramatic change had been found. "Bossism and boll weevil!" cried an outraged Charlie Goodell. The remark won his cause few Southern votes...
Still, victory was by no means certain, and as the debate began, an unlikely coalition of mayors, educators, labor leaders and big businessmen belatedly joined the battle. Scattered local programs began to close for lack of appropriations at the same time, and Congressmen who had been cool suddenly realized what the war on poverty meant back home. What Arizona Democrat Morris Udall called OEO's "hidden and silent" support started to surface...
Alarmed by this development, Party Boss Willy Brandt, the coalition's Foreign Minister, called the emergency conference to enable the unions and local politicians to let off steam. Both groups are particularly furious at Herbert Wehner, the terrible-tempered party strategist of the coalition. They blame him for coming all too speedily to the troubled Christian Democrats' rescue by agreeing to a coalition, thus depriving the Socialists of a chance to take over completely in the next election...
Many in the Philippines felt that Marcos needlessly imperiled his programs by tying them to the outcome of local elections, but the gamble paid off. When the votes were counted, Marcos had won an overwhelming victory. Filipino voters elected 50 Nacionalista governors, 1,050 Nacionalista mayors-including those of every important city except Manila-and six Nacionalista senators, enough to give Marcos the majority he needed. So lopsided was the vote, in fact, that it seemed to make the youthful President an almost certain winner if, as expected, he decides to run for re-election...