Word: luthers
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Dates: during 1960-1969
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What has particularly upset Coser and other intellectuals is the Review's response to last summer's urban riots. In a long commentary on the subject, Kopkind wrote that everybody was helpless and society in convulsion. "Liberalism proves hardly more effective than fascism." Belittling Martin Luther King as an "irrelevancy," Kopkind defended the rioters. "Morality, like politics," he wrote, "starts at the barrel...
...mobilization of Negro political and economic resources into a significant bloc to achieve goals." He draws an elemental difference between the two opposing approaches to Black Power: "Where the builders differ from the burners is that we want to win victories within the framework of the system." Martin Luther King Jr., who began by counseling his people to "love your enemies, bless them that curse you, and pray for them that despitefully use you," embraces the new Negro ethic in its most reasonable application: "Black Power is a call to black people to amass the political and economic strength...
...Martin Luther King called the three elections a "one-two-three punch against backlash and bigotry." Massachusetts' Senator Edward Brooke, who made his own racial breakthrough last year, said that "It showed the American Negro what he can achieve through lawful means." And A.F.L.-C.I.O. President George Meany pronounced that "American voters have rejected racism as a political issue...
...whether it was really successful remains to be seen when the three Americans actually get home. In the event that the tutoring took and the three face court-martial or prosecution, they will have some backing. Hayden said that he represented a special committee of 21, including Martin Luther King, Dr. Benjamin Spock, Joan Baez and other antiwar militants, that was set up to give the men legal aid for any defense. He also claimed that the release of the men was a result of the meeting of American leftists and Viet Cong representatives in Bratislava, Czechoslovakia, last September...
Later, Presbyterian Blake admitted that "I went to Wittenberg on a church invitation, and I was shocked at the restrictions." For all that, Blake was encouraged by the willingness of a Marxist state to commemorate Luther in its own way, even in the dubious guise of a precursor of the proletarian revolution, and by the mere fact that East Germany's much-beleaguered Protestants were able to hold commemoration services at all. "The thing that needs to be understood in the U.S.," Blake said, "is that the church exists and lives in East Germany...