Word: machel
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Dates: during 1970-1979
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Tanzania's President Julius Nyerere, most influential of the front-line Presidents, challenged this view, insisting that black majority rule must come immediately. Mozambique's President Samora Machel, host to the largest band (5,000 to 8,000) of Rhodesian guerrillas, said he would continue to support "armed struggle by the gallant freedom fighters of Zimbabwe [the black African name for Rhodesia] until the day independence is achieved." Ian Smith was grousing that Kissinger's package deal included an end to guerrilla warfare and international sanctions. To make matters worse, after a week-long conference in Mozambique...
Marxist President Samora Machel, 43, rejects a peaceful settlement for Rhodesia and says that a long war is needed to "liberate the minds" of blacks. He operates camps for 5,000 to 8,000 Rhodesian guerrillas. His own Chinese-trained 10,000-man army has staged an occasional raid into Rhodesia...
...regions and a tightly organized core of followers elsewhere. He is a friend of Zambia's Kenneth Kaunda, Tanzania's Julius Nyerere and Botswana's Seretse Khama, and he is at least on speaking terms with the front-line five's two Marxist firebrands, Samora Machel of Mozambique and Agostinho Neto of Angola. With ties to both the minority Matabele and majority Mashona tribes and a solid political organization all over Rhodesia, Nkomo seems well placed...
...potentially the most powerful of the contenders. A publicity-shy former schoolteacher, he has influence among the 8,000 or so freedom fighters of the Mozambique-based Zimbabwe People's Army (ZIPA), spearhead of the Rhodesian guerrilla movement. Mugabe has the strong backing of Mozambique's Machel and Angola's Neto because he vows to continue the war until majority rule actually becomes fact...
...which are largely responsible for making these negotiations necessary--are essentially to be shut out of the political process. This will of course be unacceptable to the guerrillas themselves and is probably one of the front-line black presidents' major objections to the settlement, particularly on the part of Machel of Mozambique and Neto of Angola. Finally, the anti-guerrilla provisions take advantage of the major black weakness in this situation: intense disunity among the various factions of the liberation movement. Smith may be hoping that these divisions will make it impossible for the blacks to present a united front...