Word: mexican-american
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Flores closely identifies with his many Mexican-American parishioners. Raising more than $20,000 for Mexico's earthquake victims, Flores ignored Mexican President Luis Echeverría's declaration that no U.S. aid would be accepted, went to Mexico and personally distributed the funds...
...cars and racks of new custom-made clothes. But to Jackson, raising hell means making his presence felt in quiet ways as well as loud. He is accused of insufficient sympathy for fellow blacks; yet he unobtrusively gives away thousands of dollars every year to black, Indian and Mexican-American community groups. He sometimes likes to come on like just another impulsive free-spending jock; actually, he is a shrewd businessman (land development) who just may make good on an ambition to become baseball's first black team owner...
...factory. On the other side, the Amalgamated was eager to organize Farah Manufacturing as an opening wedge to crack the dozens of clothing manufacturers in the Southwest that bask in a non-union atmosphere. Union organizers were able to capitalize on a genuine labor grievance. Farah's mostly Mexican-American workers complained that they were held to unreasonable production quotas that often forced them to cut short their lunch hours and skip rest-room breaks. The battle was joined in May 1972, when Farah dismissed six workers, allegedly for union-organizing activities. About 2,000 Farah workers walked...
...beer and skittles at Coors. Mexican-American groups in the Southwest have mounted a boycott of the company's products because of alleged discriminatory hiring practices. The company denies the charge, and has not suffered noticeably from the boycott. The Federal Trade Commission has accused Coors of fixing prices and forbidding its distributors to carry any other brand of draft-style beer...
Much testimony before the House Subcommittee on Small Business was heard in closed session; one subject probed was a Senate Watergate Committee report that William Marumoto, an official of the Committee to Re-Elect the President, arranged placement of $1,483,000 in SBA grants in order to influence Mexican-American votes for Nixon's reelection. Publicly, the subcommittee revealed that Thomas Regan, head of the SBA office in Richmond, approved a loan to a local entrepreneur, Joseph C. Palumbo. Eleven days earlier, Regan, 44, had married Palumbo's sister. Subcommittee Member Henry Gonzalez, a Texas Democrat, says...