Word: mightly
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Dates: during 1960-1969
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...possible role of chemical-biological weapons as deterrents, that is one of the principal justifications advanced by the military for their developments. It is possible that an enemy might refrain from attacking out of fear that the U.S. would respond with its own CBW, even though the U.S. nuclear deterrent would seem to be a more effective persuader. Chemical and biological weapons offer an additional combat option-something to occupy the considerable middle ground between conventional weapons and nuclear warheads. Such an option may or may not be an advantage. Defenders of the program contend that certain forms...
...biologicals, is likely to be so difficult that a vast majority of the victims would be noncombatants. Numerous chemical and biological weapons would probably be even more indiscriminate than nuclear bombs in destroying civilian populations. In addition, the ecological damage that CBW would visit upon the earth for generations might well surpass even the effects of nuclear fallout. Says Microbiologist Martin Kaplan, "Sudden disbalances in numbers or the insertion of new infective elements into evolutionally unprepared animal or plant life could produce for an indefinite period an unrecognizable and perhaps unmanageable world from the standpoint of communicable diseases...
...more to prove to the public that its programs are indeed primarily designed for defense and protection. The Army could begin by ending some of the secrecy-and deliberate distortion-that has marred its past record. While full public disclosure is clearly impossible, a good deal of public confidence might be restored, for example, if the White House appointed a citizens' commission of scientists, doctors and laymen to monitor developments in CBW. An alternative might be a joint congressional committee. Such a body might also report periodically on the levels of lethal agents being stockpiled, as well...
...true Gaullists. During the campaign, he made an open bid to gain a measure of independence from his party. In an effort to enlist the support of non-Gaullist parties, Pompidou promised to make what he called "openings" in domestic and foreign policy. The Gaullists fear that those openings might erode their power. Some of them are worried that Pompidou might bring too many outsiders into his Cabinet, while others, notably former Justice Minister René Capitant, are fretting that Pompidou will not pursue De Gaulle's social schemes, such as worker participation in management...
Some Western European Communists went home with the feeling that the display of foreign dissent might fan the embers of Russia's native discontents. One Yugoslav observer, doubtless overly optimistic, even hazarded the premature observation that "the conference marked the beginning of a legitimate opposition in the Soviet Union." The leaders of the Soviet Union show no signs of extending to their own people the toleration they temporarily granted their foreign comrades. There were reports last week in Moscow that Soviet security forces were harassing the 54 dissenters who had tried to send a petition to the United Nations...