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Joaquín Villalobos, 30. Commander of the People's Revolutionary Army (E.R.P.), the second largest guerrilla organization and the one that is probably the least doctrinaire, Villalobos has been described in some leftist publications as a "militarist," meaning that he denigrates theory in favor of action. Unlike some of the other groups, Villalobos' E.R.P. did not stem from the Communist Party; its original members were largely radicalized Roman Catholics who resorted to kidnaping and urban terrorism...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: The Powers That Would Be | 3/22/1982 | See Source »

Police suspect that Dozier was captured by the Veneto militarist wing. A clumsy interrogation of the general published in a communique on Dec. 27 displayed neither ideological sophistication nor skill at questioning. According to evidence found in his apartment, Senzani, the leader of the Rome column's propagandists, opposed the Dozier kidnaping, believing it to be irrelevant to the Brigades' true aims. Police theorize that the arrested courier was carrying the kidnapers' invitation to Senzani, who once studied at the University of California in Berkeley and speaks English, to assist in future interrogations of Dozier. In previous...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Italy: Blueprint for Terrorism | 1/25/1982 | See Source »

Over, as it turns out, the dead bodies of General Harlan Bache (George C. Scott), the commandant, and Brian Moreland (Timothy Hutton), the ranking cadet officer, who reveres the bonkers brigadier. After Bache is invalided out of the film (much too early for fans of Scott's mad-militarist mode), the youngster turns the academy into an armed camp to protest its demise. Besieged by police, National Guardsmen and anxious parents, he vows not to surrender until the trustees negotiate with...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Cinema: Sour Notes | 12/14/1981 | See Source »

...supporting gun control. Some may quibble about Anderson's metamorphosis from "conservative" to "liberal"; but he does not differ from other campaigners for difference's sake. His willingness to state publicly his regret that he voted in favor of the Gulf of Tonkin resolution at a time of swelling militarist sentiment provides evidence that Anderson could resist the often overwhelming temptation to military intervention. Furthermore, his many years of congressional experience offer another vital prerequisite for the office...

Author: NO WRITER ATTRIBUTED | Title: The Rational Republican... | 2/26/1980 | See Source »

There is an irony here, though, that provides the key to Moynihan's view of world politics. Moynihan continues to use the language of "containment," while even condemning its narrow militarist focus. It is the vocabulary of the Cold War warmed up again: totalitarianism is "advancing," the liberal elites are shrinking from "retaliation," the West has begun to sink into "irreversible patterns of appeasement." This is not to detract from the importance of Moynihan's initial premise: ideology has come to assume a higher profile in international relations, and the Soviets and the Chinese have certainly been better at addressing...

Author: By Mark T. Whitaker, | Title: A Complex Place | 12/1/1978 | See Source »

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