Word: mitterrand
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Dates: during 1970-1979
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Paris, March 1978. A Socialist-Communist alliance wins control of France's National Assembly; crowds dance in the Place de la Concorde . . . President Valéry Giscard d'Estaing reluctantly names Socialist Party Chief François Mitterrand as France's Premier ... Communists get four of the 19 Cabinet posts, becoming the first party members to gain power in Western Europe since the 1940s . . . Transition appears smooth at first, but then...
...dozen additional cities with populations over 30,000, including Rennes, Nantes, Bourges, Le Mans and St.-Etienne. This gives the left control of 153 of France's 221 cities of that size. "It's double what we had aimed for," said jubilant Socialist Leader François Mitterrand. Almost as painful for Giscard was the election, as expected, of Gaullist Leader Jacques Chirac as mayor of Paris; the President's own candidate did not even win a seat on the capital's city council...
...worries about a new generation of "ugly Germans." In Paris, Sorbonne Political Scientist Alfred Grosser, a moderate leftist, deplored West Germany's "atmosphere of intolerance, surveillance, snooping and denunciation." A Swedish television report blasted the "socalled radicals' decree and its implications." French Socialist Leader François Mitterrand even set up a Committee for the Defense of Civic and Professional Rights in West Germany...
...about how long the party's independence from Moscow will last. They also fear that a triumph for the Communists in Italy would indeed have an impact on other countries-most notably France, where the party headed by Georges Marchais shares a Programme Commun with François Mitterrand's Socialists. Together, the two leftist parties gained more than 49% of the vote in the 1974 presidential elections. Others, however, believe that an Italian Communist success would only produce right-wing backlash in France...
Last week in Paris, Mitterrand played host to a group of like-minded Southern Socialists, including party officials from Italy, Spain and Portugal, who called for a joint party strategy of all forces on the left. They argued that Southern Socialists, unlike their Northern counterparts, are out of office and stand little chance of gaining power on their own. Economic development is slow in Southern Europe, they point out; workers and unions are anxious for radical change, not Northern European reformism. Southern Communist parties are too strong to be ignored, unlike the small, peripheral parties of Northern Europe...