Word: multiwarhead
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Dates: during 1980-1989
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...nuclear arms control, Hart has well-informed, unhysterical ideas about strategic doctrine. He endorses the development of small, mobile missiles with single nuclear warheads as cheaper and more stabilizing than the mammoth, multiwarhead MX. He favors a freeze on nuclear weapons, but only halfheartedly...
...total destructive power but permit modernization of weapons under these limits. All would hold real military spending increases to 3% or 6% a year, except McGovern, who would slash such spending by 25%, and Jackson, who would cut it by an unspecified amount. All would kill the multiwarhead MX, and all except Jackson, Cranston and McGovern push for a single-warhead, mobile missile. (The Reagan Administration argues that the MX is needed to guarantee U.S. security until a new single-warhead missile is operational.) Only Cranston and Glenn would develop the B-1 bomber. Hollings alone advocates a draft...
...little gain in adopting a policy forgoing the first use of nuclear weapons in the event of war. The scholars support U.S. retention of land-based intercontinental missiles, even though the weapons are theoretically vulnerable to surprise attack. They also recommend, however, the gradual replacement of the multiwarhead Minutemen with the kind of small, single-war head weapons that were recommended by the Scowcroft Commission...
...will be U.A. Kvitsinsky, a career diplomat with no particular expertise in arms-control talks. The negotiations were long expected: in return for persuading its NATO allies in 1979 to base 572 Pershing II and cruise missiles on European soil as a deterrent to the Soviet arsenal of mobile, multiwarhead SS-20 missiles, Washington pledged to start discussions with Moscow on a mutual whittling down of their theater nuclear forces (T.N.F.) on the Continent. The talks promise to drag on for years, with difficult prospects for agreement. Nonetheless, by at least signaling their willingness to discuss limits on their strategic...