Word: municheer
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Dates: during 1950-1959
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...More 1933s. German democracy, a sensitive plant at best, was not yet in mortal danger from evil men like Naumann. It might never be-yet a world that had ignored the doings in a Munich beer cellar in the '205 was not anxious to be duped again. The rise of neo-Naziism and the echoes it was getting from veterans, refugees, chauvinists, and a few big businessmen, served as a warning to the West: that in seeking German arms to solve the "Russian problem," it risks reviving the old "German problem...
...Foreign Minister from 1936 to 1943, Ciano jotted day-to-day entries in a red diary. The first volume, covering 1939-43, appeared in 1945. The latest covers 1937-38, the years of the German annexation of Austria, the forging of the Rome-Berlin-Tokyo Axis, and Munich. Like the first, it packs no great historical surprises, but sketches in a lively picture of intrigue and ethical corrosion along with some gossipy portraits of Fascist bigwigs. As a strutting I-witness of fateful events, Ciano thought that he and the Duce were swashbuckling through history like Renaissance princes, when actually...
...took a more contemptuous view of the Italian people than Mussolini himself. One incident or another kept him boiling. "The Duce has been made furiously angry ... by the bad behavior of some farmers from Bari who were being entertained in the Party House in Munich -they even relieved themselves on the stairs. A disgusting incident, likely to lower us to an unbelievable extent in the opinion of the Germans; The Chief . . . let fly at the 'sons of slaves...
...treated as silent partners of the Axis, and only called in when matters reached the sign-on-the-dotted-line stage. After the Austrian Anschluss, "the Duce was in a mood of irritation with the Germans . . . they ought to have given us warning-but not a word." Just before Munich, Ciano notes: "The Duce is disturbed by the fact that the Germans are letting us know almost nothing of their program with regard to Czechoslovakia...
...finest hour, but with one eye on the future, the handsome Foreign Secretary reiterated his loyalty to the Tory Party. Bobbety, as a Cecil feeling no need to protest his Tory loyalty, bluntly told the House of Commons that Chamberlain's policy was "a surrender to blackmail." After Munich, and Chamberlain's fatuous promise of "peace with honor," Salisbury demanded ". . . Where is honor?" The right policy, he said, was "rearm, rearm and rearm...