Word: murrays
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Dates: during 1950-1959
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Thus matters stood just before the dawn of the presidential election year, 1952, when Phil Murray called the strike. Murray and Big Steel had been meeting since late November; they got nowhere because the steel companies simply refused to make a counteroffer...
...settlement came in a week when Murray's labor movement reached new heights of power and arrogance. On the economic front, it had tied up the nation's most basic industry. On the political front, it had stopped Alben Barkley (see p. 11). The passing of two milestones showed what a long way Big Labor had come. As to where it is and where it is going, the 1952 steel strike offers interesting clues...
Revolving Door. For Philip Murray, the Irish labor boss with a Scottish burr, a gentle manner and a stubborn will, last week's settlement was the biggest victory in the procession of victories he has won since organizing Big Steel for the C.I.O. in mid-Depression. Then (1936) he found steel with an average wage of 66? an hour. The settlement announced last week will raise the average steelworker to around $2.05 an hour: the contract grants a straight 16? plus about 6? in fringe benefits. In other words, since 1936, Murray's steelworkers have beaten inflation...
...Murray last week retreated from his original demand for a union shop to what labor called a "modified union shop" -and is, more accurately, a "revolving door" union shop. Under the new contract, all new employees must join the steelworkers' union, but if they don't like it, they can swing out the union door again between their isth and 30th day on the job. All steelworkers have the option of turning in their union cards during a 15-day period at the expiration of the contract in 1954. The union cannot touch old non-union employees...
Inside Influence. When the Federal Government expanded its control of the U.S. economy in World War II, labor fought hard-and with success-to balance business influence in the control machinery. In the new mobilization that followed Korea, labor knew all the ins & outs of Washington bureaucracy. Phil Murray was appointed to the President's Board on Mobilization Policy, which kept an eye on Mobilizer Charles Wilson and was privy to his plans and secrets. The A.F.L.-C.I.O. United Labor Policy Committee walked out on the first Wage Stabilization Board, and stayed out until the board was revamped...