Word: musts
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Dates: during 1960-1969
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...placidly accept society's faults. He wants to prove the very problematical thesis that big cities are governable, given enough cash and imagination. It is a bad time for such men because many whites feel that there have been too many concessions to blacks already?concessions that whites must pay for. The American middle feels it is a victim of excessively rapid change. Richard Nixon saw that last year. City politicians are not missing the point either...
...anyone from beyond the Hudson, the Procaccino campaign must seem more than a little incredible. This is New York City, capital of New Politics and glamour, headquarters of the national communications media, lair of sophisticates. Yet, here is Procaccino, 57 and looking it, poor on television and ducking it when possible, suspicious of the press and at odds with it?here is the scion and heir of Old Politics, doing rather nicely by the estimates of adversary and ally alike...
...Rather than emphasizing traditional street campaigning and set speeches, Lindsay has been using the perquisites of office to make points. He has been appearing at groundbreaking ceremonies and assorted dedications, visiting police precincts, attending meetings of Jewish groups. He also attacked the Viet Nam war for what must be the hundredth time, appealing to the antiwar sentiment that runs high among New York's Jews. To Procaccino and Marchi, Viet Nam is not a proper city issue...
...skeptical about school decentralization. When accused of racism, he explodes: "That's the dirtiest thing I've seen done in a long time." When he uses the term "law and order," he insists, "The words are not shorthand. They do not stand for something else. We simply must live under the rule of law. Violence never works." Lately he has tried to get away from the image of being a one-issue candidate by presenting a series of position papers...
Sick Fifth. Whatever the complexion of the post-Mao leadership, some very basic problems facing China will not fade away in the foreseeable future. The country will have a population of 1 billion by 1980, yet still lacks the solid industrial base that is a must for any modern power. Somehow, Peking will have to reassert the central government's authority over the vast hinterlands-something it lost during the Cultural Revolution. At the same time it will have to determine whether it should soften its standoffish attitude toward the rest of the world. Eventually it will no doubt...