Word: nationally
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Dates: during 1930-1939
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Month ago the officers of the nation's Young Democratic Clubs, which claim 3,000.000 members aged 18 to 40, confidently expected that President Roosevelt, their national secretary Son James Roosevelt, and 10,000 delegates would attend their second national convention in Milwaukee. Last week some 1,500 delegates showed up, but not President Roosevelt, busy with Congress in Washington, nor Son James, ill with a sore throat at Hyde Park. Sadly disappointed, but still hoping that Son Franklin Jr. might appear, the delegates sat down to listen to a speech by Pennsylvania's Governor George H. Earle...
Next night young Democrats and the nation heard John's father read a "non- political" speech over the radio from Washington. "Facts are relentless," throbbed the warm, familiar voice of the President. "We must adjust our ideas to the facts of today. ... To the American youth of all parties I submit a message of confidence-unite and challenge. Rules are not necessarily sacred-principles are. The methods of the old order are not, as some would have you believe, above the challenge of youth...
...wave of fear, of indignation, of determination to avoid war at all costs. With a mighty splash the wave broke over a jittery Congress, sweeping to passage the first neutrality law in U. S. history designed, not to observe international amenities, but to keep the nation...
When the War began in 1914, the U. S. had no statute to help it avoid entanglement in other nations' armed conflicts. After proclaiming U. S. neutrality exactly as President Washington had done in 1793. President Wilson could only plead with the nation to be neutral "in fact as well as in name ... in thought as well as in action." Any such neutrality, it soon appeared, was clearly impossible. Because the flag followed them wherever they went, U. S. citizens were free to risk not only their own but their nation's safety by traveling through war zones...
...divided U. S. neutrality-seekers ever since, setting the Senate implacably against the President and State Department. Unwilling to let the President pick sides in a war by naming the aggressor, isolationist Senators asserted that an arms embargo should apply automatically to all belligerents. Otherwise, they argued, the embargoed nation would be certain to strike back exactly as Germany had struck. Firmly the State Department held that the President should be allowed to decide when and against whom he would lay an arms embargo. Only by holding that threat in reserve, it was argued, could the U. S. cooperate with...