Word: nkrumah
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Since the brightest, most aggressive young men of Africa are generally the labor leaders, he who controls Africa's trade unions today may well control the continent tomorrow. No one is more aware of this than Ghana's ambitious Kwame Nkrumah, who for months has been striving to export his own authoritarian Marxist-style unionism to all of Africa. But everywhere Nkrumah turns, he finds the same stubborn opponent, the West's International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, which has won affiliates in 22 African nations with the argument that the worker fares best under demo cratic...
...equable hospitality to neutralist leaders, Nasser does not feel neutral about them personally. He does not like Sukarno; a devoted family man himself, he was shocked when, on a previous visit to Cairo, Sukarno asked to be provided with feminine companionship. Nasser finds Ghana's Nkrumah stuck-up, Nehru too preachy. But he likes Toure as "a natural man" (and a Moslem who calls himself Ahmad when in Cairo), and last week Toure came away from Cairo with a $16.8 million loan, repayable in seven years at 2½% interest, plus a $5,600,000 barter trade agreement...
...free Africa's 186 million citizens. Significantly absent were the five obstreperous Casablanca powers: the U.A.R., Morocco, Guinea, Ghana and Mali (the Congo and South Africa were not invited). Originally, Guinea's Sekou Toure and Mali's Mobido Keita accepted. But Ghana's Kwame Nkrumah, who destroys everything he cannot lead, talked them both out of going...
...Dean's eighteen leaders, ten--Khrushchev, Tito, Ben Gurion, Nasser, Nehru, Sukarno, Mao Tse-tung, Bourguiba, Nkrumah and Castro--will be familiar to most of her readers, although she adds a good deal of depth and illumination with extensive citation of the statesman's own writings. The others, two of them dead but still influential, less well-known, or at least less obvious selections...
Except for the Communists, Mrs. Dean admires most of the leaders she writes about; she does not share Time magazine's scorn for Nkrumah and Sukarno, for example. But those she likes best (Bourguiba, Ayub Khan, Nyerere and Betancourt) are the non-ideaologues who are more concerned with social and economic achievement than with abstract principles. The necessities of conditions in these emerging nations, Mrs. Dean argues, have imposed certain pragmatic responses which Western democrats may find difficult to accept, yet the West must accept them if it is to learn to live with the underdeveloped world. First, most...