Word: nlrb
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Dates: during 1930-1939
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First witness was pipe-smoking Dr. William Leiserson, 56, appointed to the Board eight months ago, with a reputation as a labor mediator. Dr. Leiserson stated the case for NLRB about as well as it has been stated. He denied that the Act needed amendment. He reminded the Committee of the conditions that brought about the Act-the use of labor spies, the discrimination against good union men, the tragedies of violence in labor disputes, the old hostility against labor legislation...
Smith Committee heard Joe Ozanic, president of A. F. of L.'s Progressive Mine Workers, bitterly proclaim that the Wagner Act and NLRB decisions had put thousands of Progressive miners under the jurisdiction of John Lewis' United Mine null They read of Roosevelt Son-in-law John Boettiger, publisher of the Seattle Post-Intelligencer, bitterly protesting an NLRB decision, but stating he would take no further action because he did not want to jeopardize his fine relations with the American Newspaper Guild. They heard talk of an NLRB "goon squad," of the Board having relations with a union...
...meeting called to hear his belated objections, Committeeman Dempsey vainly stormed, with Mr. Voorhis vainly carried his protests to the House floor. Least excited were those immediately concerned. The League's publicized members ranged all the way from a Capitol charwoman, who makes 50? an hour, to NLRB's Edwin Seymour Smith, who makes $10,000 a year, and Assistant Secretary of the Interior Oscar Chapman ($9,000), who "joined" last year by contributing $2 to a fund for Loyalist Spain. A few did not even know that they were members of the League...
...union Ford Motor Co., still resisting an NLRB order to cease opposition to C. I. O., reinstated 23 discharged unionists, as the Board had ordered-but said it was obeying the law of increasing production rather than the Wagner Act. Recovered from the factional strife which nearly destroyed the union last year, C. I. O.'s U. A. W. was in fettle for a drag-out fight with Chrysler. After that, great G. M. also might be called on to let its workers slowdown by agreement, or see them slowdown by conspiracy on the assembly line...
...whatever cost, the U. S. had demonstrated its ability to adjust itself to social needs, had after ten years the value of the experience of social reform, had in addition an aggregation of measures, laws, decisions in principle agreed to. It had the NLRB that put into law the belief that strong trade unions were of social value ("This is the greatest work of my life," said Senator Wagner), and although the San Francisco Stock Exchange threatened to move to Reno if "ham-and-eggs" went through in California, innovations generally led to no such drastic action. At whatever cost...