Word: ogonyok
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Dates: during 1980-1989
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...rise to a crescendo of grumbling that has become grist for news reports calling attention to the shortage of consumer goods. Public debate has also offered hints of divisiveness at the top. Last week Pravda published a letter, penned by six influential conservative writers, that attacked the weekly magazine Ogonyok, a leading light of glasnost, for abusing the new openness by distorting history. The letter could not have appeared in the Communist Party daily without support from some top-ranking party members...
...story "would not be lost to history." Last July, after Mikhail Gorbachev praised Khrushchev and the Soviet press began to rehabilitate the former leader's reputation, the editors of TIME encouraged Sergei to write about his father. In October the first of four installments appeared in the Soviet weekly Ogonyok...
...when numbed citizens queued for news of arrested relatives. Once a crude weapon of repression, it now functions as a sophisticated instrument of state control, both at home and abroad. But despite the change of image, the KGB still inspires fear and loathing. As a letter in the magazine Ogonyok put it last August, "The time has come to lift the curtain of secrecy from the KGB's activities -- otherwise how can it be controlled by a society that knows nothing about...
...point the proceedings were interrupted by a spicy dispute involving the weekly magazine Ogonyok, which has emerged as one of the staunchest supporters of glasnost -- and one of the most daring probers of its limits. Shortly before the conference convened, the newspaper had alleged that several unnamed delegates from the Central Asian republic of Uzbekistan were guilty of accepting bribes. When the conference's credentials chairman said it would take time to subject the charges to official investigation, there were shouts for Ogonyok Editor Vitali Korotich to substantiate them himself. Korotich gamely came to the podium and explained that...
Notwithstanding his reformist image, Gorbachev in the end may find he prefers the Kluyevs of conventional party practice over more fiery pro- perestroika candidates. At a meeting attended by Gorbachev to choose Moscow's delegation two weeks ago, Ivanov was confirmed as a delegate despite the Ogonyok attack, while the passionate playwright Gelman was not. There and elsewhere Gorbachev has shown a well-tuned instinct for the safe middle ground. When he dumped Yeltsin, the pro-perestroika Moscow party boss, from the Politburo earlier this year, Gorbachev was protecting one flank. When he later chastised Yegor Ligachev, a Politburo member...