Word: oneness
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Dates: during 1960-1969
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...elected. the Crimson becomes a veritable smorgasbord of delights. Even if you never do another stitch of work for us. you will always be a Crimson editor. It is hoped that you will work for us after election, but there are no chains. And if you get elected on one board, you're free to try your hand at something else. Our current president started out selling...
...review the latest Godard extravaganzas will be accepted with open arms. The same goes for those who can unravel the myriad complexities of national politics and institutions. The former are never forced to write politics and the latter needn't ever have seen a play, let alone reviewed one. You just have to be able to do your thing well. Many members of the University community read Crimson editorials (notice we didn't say they agreed with them), and they do have an impact on the real world. You have a good chance of persuading a majority to support...
...dispersal strategy seemed radical and daring. Today it is simply impossible. It is clearly repugnant to demands for neighborhood control, to the growing sense of specific community. Prodded by the black power advocates, even liberals have been pushing "community control." Such localism has inevitable racial overtones, which may one day result in intricate warfare. Whether or not it increases the self-reliance of the blacks, in the white areas localism means law-and-order and school segregation. Moynihan ignores these unhappy political realities. To him, the neighborhood-oriented approach is self-defeating if the neighborhoods are human cesspools. Though...
...federal government, he writes, it should encourage local government to reorganize by "restoring its fiscal vitality." He recommends federal revenue sharing to make urban citizenship as financially painless as possible. His answer is only a partial one. Fiscal vitality alone would not overcome the reluctance of the suburbs to associate with the central cities. Self-interest, self-satisfaction and fear would keep them detached. They wish not only to protect themselves from crime and urban poverty but also to reduce their involvement with these problems...
There is little agreement on the best way to restructure local government, and Moynihan vacillates accordingly. The metropolitan sprawl, he recognizes, has made it "difficult to collect power in one place." This leads him at first to espouse annexing the suburbs. Later on, he opts for community control and decentralization. Soon he is also stressing the responsibility of the states, and, in a final dizzy burst, ends up praising the sensibleness of county government. Instead of conserving political energies, Moynihan seems to suggest that reformers pursue all these goals simultaneously...