Word: oslo
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Dates: during 2000-2009
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...seal Israel?s grip on territory it regarded as part of the Land of Israel. At the center of Likud?s settlement policy was its Agriculture Minister - Ariel Sharon. And Sharon made clear in the 1970s, and again in the 90s when he set out to challenge the Oslo process, that the purpose of settlements was to create "facts on the ground" that would impede the surrender of the occupied territories by Israel in any future peace deal...
...allowing only that those Jews who lived in Palestine "before the Zionist invasion" would be allowed to remain. Although that document was later modified (in a meeting hastily convened under pressure from the Clinton White House) in keeping with the pursuit of a two-state solution under the Oslo Accords, the same sentiment remains central to the charter of Hamas, and the demand for ?liberating? all of Palestine remains a core element of Palestinian national identity. Acceptance of a two-state solution, which would give the Palestinians only 25 percent of the West Bank and Gaza is viewed...
...international consensus over solving the conflict, but neither side trusts the other to make peace based on separation along that border. After all, Palestinian suicide bombers are striking deep inside Israel, not simply at its soldiers and settlers in the West Bank and Gaza. And during the Oslo years, the Israeli settler population in the West Bank and Gaza doubled. The wall Israel is building as a de facto border to keep out suicide bombers doesn?t follow the 1967 ?Green Line? border between Israel and the West Bank; instead it appears designed to surround the Palestinians in enclaves comprising...
...where the roadmap is leading. But Abbas is dealing with the reality that Hamas may now be the most popular Palestinian organization in Gaza and a significant political presence in the West Bank. Hamas may have been something of a radical fringe movement during the salad days of the Oslo peace process, but the intifada has propelled it into the mainstream as an alternative...
...Oslo, of course, had been premised on the same recognition, of course, but today it is the hard-line anti-Oslo parties in Israel and among the Palestinians that appear to be acknowledging their inability to enforce a violent solution. There may also, this time, be a third element of conceptual progress: The "roadmap," for all its limitations, appears to reflect a growing recognition in Washington that the era when Israelis and Palestinians could find their own, bilateral route to a peace agreement may have passed, and that resolving the conflict may now increasingly require that the international community...