Word: overthrowers
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Dates: during 1990-1999
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...keep them from becoming refugees. Critics such as Democratic Senator Thomas Daschle of South Dakota and columnist William Safire charge that the U.S. made a terrible mistake by not helping the Kurds and Shi'ites. The argument is usually couched in moral terms: having repeatedly called on Iraqis to overthrow Saddam, the U.S. is disgracing itself by standing idly by while those who heeded its word are slaughtered. New York Times columnist A.M. Rosenthal bitterly asked Bush: "Why do you sully your name, and our country's, by deliberately allowing Saddam Hussein to massacre the people you urged to rise...
...number of critics charge that he is, in effect, by not helping the rebels fighting to oust the archdemon. Bush, after all, denounced the Iraqi dictator as being in some respects "worse than Hitler," organized a multinational crusade to crush his military power and repeatedly called for his overthrow. For the past four weeks, Shi'ite Muslims in the south and Kurds in the north have been trying to accomplish just that. Yet after Bush met with his top national security advisers last week, the President made it clear that U.S. military forces now occupying southern Iraq will give...
...view of Saddam as a force for stability in the region, at least in the sense of being preferable to chaos. As to the moral argument, some in the Administration acknowledged discomfort. One official conceded, "It seems to me just like Hungary in 1956. Having called on people to overthrow their repressive leadership, we just sit back and watch them get slaughtered." Other commentators came up with a different analogy: the Red Army halting outside Warsaw in 1944 and doing nothing to stop a Nazi massacre of the Jewish ghetto residents who had risen in revolt...
...Beirut opposition leaders insisted they had a plan to forestall all this. After Saddam's overthrow, they said, popular elections would determine who would rule Iraq. But that was quite a change of heart for the radical Shi'ites, whose aim had always been to create an Islamic regime. "We would like the people to elect us to implement it," explained Abu Bilal al Adib of the al-Dawa party, a sometime sponsor of terrorism. Another Shi'ite representative declared the verbal obeisance to democracy irrelevant. "It is the motivated minority that counts," said he, "and the Islamic movement...
Frequent telephone contact with President Bush brought the two leaders closer and helped reinforce their resolve. Differences emerged mainly in the kind of language they used. A master of innuendo, Mitterrand never called, as did Bush, for Saddam's "overthrow," but described the Iraqi's "political, moral and military authority" as "seriously weakened"; privately, Mitterrand is known to believe Saddam has little chance to survive as head of state. Nor did Mitterrand reject Mikhail Gorbachev's belated peace plan outright: Foreign Minister Roland Dumas called it a step in the right direction -- and then sliced it to shreds with diplomatic...