Word: panama
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Dates: during 1990-1999
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...summer of 1989, and plans were in the works for the U.S. military invasion of Panama. But the problem was that the CIA and its agents were not in place to watch dictator Manuel Noriega. There was, however, a spy the U.S. could turn to -- in this case a young man, the son of European immigrants, who passed himself off as an international merchant willing to do business with the pariah regime. Noriega had him over for dinner and intimate talks. (The spy had ingratiated himself by presenting the general with a bust of his hero, Napoleon Bonaparte.) As proficient...
...votes from Bush to Clinton would have won him the state. Clinton has been wooing Floridians with regular visits, a vow to protect Social Security and Medicare and old-fashioned political patronage, like the recent announcement of the move of the U.S. Southern Command's headquarters from Panama to south Dade County...
...time to get away from rigidly sticking to those so-called traditions and values on the international stage. Get away from Haiti, from Panama, from Bosnia. Otherwise it is very likely for another Defense Secretary to over estimate the "danger" somewhere some day, as McNamara did in 1966. We can't afford to see another costly and meaningless war, nor another book of confessions...
...wouldn't have written the book." McNamara points to the dangers of underestimating nationalism, of faulty evaluations, of asking the military to achieve more than weapons can deliver. The nation worries through that sort of list every time it sends its troops abroad, to Grenada or Panama or Somalia, fearing that the intervention may turn into "another Vietnam." But wars do not repeat themselves; each arises from a unique set of circumstances. The forces that led the U.S. to fight in Vietnam at all, and in the manner that it did, have changed forever. Another Vietnam is as likely...
George Bush brushed aside the Weinberger rules when he sent the Army first after General Manuel Antonio Noriega in Panama and later to Somalia to safeguard relief shipments. Bill Clinton felt free to ignore the rules in Haiti, which is what a President gets paid for deciding when the nation's vital interests are at stake and trying to rally the support he needs. "Military force," says Brent Scowcroft, who was National Security Adviser to George Bush, "ought to be an instrument of U.S. foreign policy and interests. That means you use it sometimes when you don't have popular...