Word: partings
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Dates: during 1960-1969
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...ending the war, because it would demonstrate good intentions on the U.S.'s part and at the same time turn the pressure of world opinion on Hanoi to do likewise. On the other hand, no one can be sure that Hanoi actually wants a quick peace ?in which case the argument becomes pointless...
...bring home 40,000 men. If nothing else, such a decision would at least buy him a concession from Hanoi (if the withdrawal were negotiated) and certainly, as the South Vietnamese watched the first layer of their U.S. insulation stripped away, a new sense of urgency on the part of Saigon...
Fortunately, the U.S. can finally count on a reasonably secure and stable government in Saigon. For that, and for the first tentative signs that it is preparing its people for the day when they will have to shoulder the burden of their war, the U.S. in large part can thank Thieu, the solitary, sometimes enigmatic but increasingly forceful President of South Viet Nam. In the 17 months he has held office, Thieu has constructed the strongest government in South Viet Nam since the days of Ngo Dinh Diem, whose overthrow he helped to plan. Amid the ceaseless intrigues of Saigon...
...their part, Viet Cong and North Vietnamese Communist troops were still confident of their ability to strike. While Viet Nam five weeks ago uneasily celebrated Tet, the main holiday of the year, Communist troops filtered stealth ily out of their sanctuaries toward major targets throughout the country. When the Buddhist Year of the Rooster was still only six days old, they were ready to sound their own sobering crow: a co ordinated offensive against practically every population and military center in South Viet Nam. Significantly, they chose to attack most often with long-range firepower, indicating that their numbers...
...Idealistic. The turmoil stemmed in part from the plans that Ayub had made for handing over his power. To a gathering of the leaders of eight moderate opposition parties, he candidly admitted the failure of his "basic democracy," which gave the power to choose Pakistan's President and rubber-stamp National Assembly to 80,000 popularly elected village elders and landlords. "I tried to evolve a system that was too idealistic or too unrealistic," Ayub said of the arrangement, which was based on the fact that four-fifths of Pakistan's 125 million people are illiterate. Still, Ayub...