Word: power
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Dates: during 1960-1969
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...official spokesman said: "We consider ourselves at war," and as much as admitted the reserves were being partially mobilized. The week also brought intensified artillery duels along the Syrian and Egyptian frontiers, spectacular aerial dogfights, and more commando raids by both sides, including Arab demolition of a power line pylon which cut off electricity for the town of Eilot...
Gromyko went through the ritualistic assault on U.S. involvement in Viet Nam, but the language was less vituperative than in the past. What was new and heartening was his hint that the Russians are "ready" for strategic-arms-limitation talks and would participate in four-power negotiations to resolve the problem of West Berlin. "We are in favor of the development of good relations with the U.S.," said Gromyko. "It is clear that our countries are divided by profound class differences. But the Soviet Union always believed that the U.S.S.R. and the U.S.A. could find common language on the questions...
Benefits at the Top. Malaysia's working arrangement for the past 20 years has always kept political power in the hands of Malays but allowed the more commercially aggressive Chinese and Indians to accumulate much of the economic power. Outwardly, this combi nation brought twin blessings. Malaysia developed a thriving modern economy that produced one of the highest per cap ita incomes in Asia, and at the same time enjoyed the personal freedoms of a liberal democracy. Presiding over the hopeful experiment was the avuncular figure of 66-year-old Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman. His Alliance coalition, dominated...
Malays could not take over the economy within the foreseeable future. They simply do not have the capital or the know-how to manage it, especially in the field of rubber production, in which Malaysia is the world leader. However, they do have the power to wreck the economy-and seemingly the hatred that could make them use it. The majority of Chinese and Indians have come to believe, as a result of the riots, that they cannot expect government protection from Malay mobs...
Unlike other college presidents, Hayakawa-devised a hard-line strategy of keeping police power on the campus at all times. His predecessors had called in the police on occasion, but during the height of the strike Hayakawa deployed as many as 600 police on campus or on call nearby. "The revolutionaries said they would destroy the college," he explained in testimony before a Senate subcommittee. "I said they would not. We had police available before trouble started, instead of waiting for the situation to get out of hand...