Word: powerfully
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Dates: during 1970-1979
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...leading the campaign against Stevens, Rogers views the corporation as something other than a traditional Wall Street monolith with unassailable domestic and international financial operations and ties. Rogers likes to think of Stevens simply as a Board of Directors, a group of "human personalities" that give the corporation its powers, with self-interest their primary consideration. Rogers is a strategist; he tries to use the enormous financial power of the ACTWU and other unions to threaten the personal interests of Stevens directors and to force them to resign their directorships on the boards of Stevens and other corporations...
Last September the ACTWU once again exploited the proxy power of policy holders by contesting the reelection of Ralph Manning Brown Jr., chairman of New York Life, and Finley, a director of New York Life. To save New York Life the multi-million dollar cost of holding directorship elections--and to ensure that two union-backed candidates were not elected to the board--both Finley and Brown resigned from the other's corporate board...
...campaign will revert to the traditional power of numbers on October 11, when 5000 laborers will rally outside the Seaman's Bank headquarters to call for an end to the "J.P. Stevens-Seaman's Bank connection." It will be the visible sign of what Rogers claims will be increasing pressure on Stevens Director E. Virgil Conway, who doubles as chairman and president of Seaman's Bank. Next on the campaign's hit list is Sidney Weinberg Jr., a partner of Goldman, Sachs, the investment banking firm. When and if he is forced off the Stevens board, the campaign will once...
Rogers says the campaign's polarization of Stevens will not end when all the Stevens directors with financial and corporate ties are driven from the board. Rather, at that time the corporate campaign will "move into phase two and mobilize personal and institutional shareholder power against Stevens," Rogers says. Just like the Stevens directors, shareholders will feel the pressure of the corporate campaign. But first, Rogers says, "we've got to study who really owns the company...
Rogers is raising labor power to a new level, up from the streets, the factories and picket lines and into the safe seclusion of corporate meeting rooms. Unlike the boycott or strike, his corporate campaign does not demand titanic funding, deny the public a certain product, or force a laborer to stop work and fall back on union payments. Instead, it hits corporate directors personally, not just in terms of profits and production. Undoubtedly, Stevens directors who resigned their corporate posts felt the same pounding frustration and anger that Stevens workers feel in their attempts to secure fair employment benefits...