Word: protestations
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Dates: during 1960-1969
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...Viet Nam debate is clearly not a partisan issue, at least not yet. There are too many divisions within both parties. The argument that renewed dissent in this country is reinforcing Communist stubbornness is also shaky, since it presumes that Hanoi makes its decisions on the basis of protest in the streets and in the press. These obviously enter North Viet Nam's calculations, but there are far clearer guides to U.S. intent and will...
...other problems, President Nixon was finding a remark he had made at his press conference the week before coming back to haunt him. He would not, he had insisted, "be affected whatever" by antiwar protests like the Moratorium Day activities planned for Oct. 15. More than any of the newspaper ads placed by the day's organizers, that defiant -some would say contemptuous-stand galvanized much of the nation's factional peace movement. Some 1,500 letters of support and more than $1,000 descended daily on the confused but jubilant Viet Nam Moratorium Committee staff in Washington...
...spring after a Massachusetts peace group proposed a drive to set a deadline for termination of the war, using the threat of a nationwide general strike as its main weapon. Brown considered a commerce-stopping strike almost an impossibility to pull off, but guessed that a national day of protest, accenting pacific rallies, door-to-door pleading and campus debates, might inspire significant support. "The discussion of the war had become stale," he says. "We needed new tactics...
...asked his followers to observe the day. The moratorium leaders expect thousands of sympathizers not allied with organizations to wear armbands or simply observe moments of silence on the job. That does not mean, of course, that everyone agrees with the tactics and aims of M-Day. Neither protest politics nor a hasty U.S. withdrawal are popular everywhere in the nation-and there will be countless communities where Oct. 15 will be just another...
...late 1966, in a protest against tax hikes, the Free Democrats suddenly resigned as partners in Erhard's coalition Cabinet. For five weeks, West Germany drifted without an effective government, while Socialist Strategist Wehner pondered a dilemma: Should the S.P.D., out of power for 36 years, seek a coalition with the unpredictable Free Democrats and risk making a mess of things? Or should it bide its time and join a C.D.U.-led Grand Coalition to show voters that they were capable of governing the country? Wehner chose the second course, and the experiment turned out to be a success...