Word: repeals
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Dates: during 1960-1969
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Reign's End. Detractors lay much of the blame to an aging but not notably mellow Schenley spirit: Chairman Lewis Solon Rosenstiel, 75. Rosenstiel founded the company shortly before repeal in 1933, and remains its dominant shareholder, controlling stock worth some $55 million. Ever contentious, he has for decades feuded with the industry over various marketing practices; more recently, he has spent much of his time in and out of court waging private wars with, among others, his estranged fourth wife, his daughter, one of his own lawyers, and his Greenwich, Conn., neighbors...
President Johnson has also divined the latent obstacles, and in his State of the Union address he pointedly avoided several prickly proposals that could stir up the membership. These included repeal of the Taft-Hartley Law's famed 14-B (right-to-work) section, rent subsidies and tough new civil rights proposals...
Joseph F. McCormack, chairman of the Massachusetts Parole Board and an opponent of capital punishment, has authored a valuable piece of legislation. He is asking the 1967 General Court not to repeal the death penalty, but merely to examine the chief argument of those urging its retention -- its efficacy as a crime deterrent...
Under continuous pressure from police officials and other lobbyists, the Court has in the past refused to repeal the death penalty. And under present circumstances it is unlikely to reverse itself. But as a public institution, the Massachusetts legislature has never been averse to the gathering and analysis of information on important public issues. Chairman McCormack's proposal -- in the absence of a climate suitable for the repeal of the penalty -- should and ought to be passed easily by the Court next month...
...achieving its legislative goals in the 90th Congress is concerned, big labor has ample reason for feeling glum. Meany was guilty of understatement when he said that the chances were "pretty dim" to repeal Section 14 (b) of the Taft-Hartley Act (the right-to-work provision), which triggered a long and bitter filibuster even in the liberal 89th. Equally bleak is labor's chance of getting restrictions on construction-site picketing eased. By contrast, the 90th Congress may prove far more receptive than the 89th to further limitations on strikes-such as airline stoppages-that have national repercussions...