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Still, the changes are unmistakable, and they raise a series of questions for American foreign policy. The most immediate is whether to conclude an arms-control agreement with the Soviet Union that would incorporate some of the measures tentatively agreed to at the Reykjavik summit meeting last October, which would require some compromise on strategic defenses. On this subject Sakharov shares the skepticism of many of his scientific colleagues in the West that an effective space shield to protect populations against nuclear attack can ever be built. Moreover, he fears that efforts to do so will lead to dangerous instability...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Something Is Happening Here | 2/16/1987 | See Source »

...today. Despite a painfully difficult dialogue with the American Administration and despite the unfortunate failure in mutual understanding at Reykjavik -- and even though a West European leader let slip a shocking comparison of our leader with Goebbels -- glasnost is expanding and gaining in strength. True, it is sometimes sabotaged by those creaky armchair warriors who feel their comfortable seats being pulled from under them. But they will not succeed...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: A Poet's View of Glasnost | 2/9/1987 | See Source »

REAGAN HAD CREATED A teflon presidency. Issues which would have destroyed most presidents seemed to roll off this one. (Imagine Carter or Nixon joking that the "bombing will begin in five minutes.") Most recently the president emerged from the Daniloff Affair and the Reykjavik non-summit touting the two events as policy touchdowns when they could more appropriately be considered safeties or touchbacks at best. The arms deal was provoked by the hubris the White House had developed over its ability to sell ideas...

Author: By Seth Goldman, | Title: Presidency in Absentia | 1/28/1987 | See Source »

Gorbachev's most spectacular foreign policy display came in October at Reykjavik during the hastily called summit, where he played the superpower game like a grand master. A confident but ill-prepared President Reagan was lured into a no-win confrontation over the U.S. Strategic Defense Initiative. By offering the near total elimination of nuclear weapons in exchange for restricting SDI to the laboratory, Gorbachev momentarily captured the propaganda high ground. Reagan attempted to outbid him by promising to do away with all nuclear weapons, but the President was nonetheless pictured as the advocate of military escalation while Gorbachev came...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Mikhail Gorbachev | 1/5/1987 | See Source »

Shultz tried to convince the Europeans that the U.S. will not abandon its nuclear shield over Western Europe, despite Reagan's controversial proposal in Reykjavik to eliminate all ballistic missiles over a ten-year period. Reiterating his statement of last month, he said at the annual meeting of NATO foreign ministers in Brussels that even if agreement were reached to scrap most nuclear missiles "a small residual ballistic-missile force" would remain as "insurance" to guard against Soviet cheating. Shultz was also careful to discourage speculation that a politically weakened President might be hustled into a disadvantageous deal with...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Diplomacy Holding Hands in Europe | 12/22/1986 | See Source »

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