Word: ricans
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Dates: during 1970-1979
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THESE PROPOSALS follow from the assumption that the Puerto Rican government is responsible for creating jobs, either by attracting investment or expanding its own hiring. Because the business sector is mostly American and therefore unresponsive to local pressures demanding more employment, the government has been obliged to take aggressive action in search of new employers. Yet even in the boom years, industrialization did not provide enough employment. The government used jobs as patronage and as a substitute for promoting private employment, as long as its credit lasted; approximately 25% of the labor force works in the public sector. The failure...
ONLY THE independence parties make economic inequality a major plank in their platform. Recently, the independence movement has identified itself with socialism, moving from an analysis of colonialism per se to a critique of its local economic consequences. The Puerto Rican Independence Party (PIP) envisions a socialist democracy, perhaps in the style of Sweden, while the Puerto Rican Socialist Party (PSP) calls itself a Marxist-Leninist party and proposes revolutionary socialism like Cuba's. They point out that economic growth cannot become self-sustaining because the profits of Puerto Rican industry are remitted to the United States, and association with...
...referendum would further enliven what is already a contentious election campaign. In November, Puerto Ricans will elect a Governor, a legislature and municipal officials. For the first time the Communists, organized as the Puerto Rican Socialist Party, will run candidates...
...voters have consistently gone the other way. The independentistas boycotted the last plebiscite on status, in 1967; the voters then divided 60.4% for commonwealth, 39% for state hood and .6% for independence. In the 1972 general election, the Puerto Rican Independence Party (P.I.P.) got just...
...Puerto Rican Socialist Party's chief is Juan Mari Bras, 48, an avowed Communist who announced his gubernatorial candidacy last week. He takes Castro's Cuba as his model and gets both rhetorical and material help from Havana. Mari Bras formed alliances with several unions, though most of organized labor remains antiCommunist. Some radicals are now in the leadership of unions representing firemen and telephone and power-plant workers. A number of strikes in 1974 and early 1975 grew violent, and industrial sabotage became a nagging problem. So did random explosions at the Puerto Rican offices of mainland...