Word: salt
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Dates: during 1980-1989
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...chief negotiators symbolizes what has changed since the previous round of talks ended, during the June 1979 Vienna summit between Jimmy Carter and Leonid Brezhnev. Rowny, 65, a retired Army lieutenant general, was the representative of the Joint Chiefs of Staff during the second Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT n). He opposed compromises made during the talks and quit the delegation in protest on the eve of the treaty-signing ceremony. He then devoted himself to defeating SALT II in the Senate and to electing Ronald Reagan as President...
Thus Rowny personifies the Administration's repudiation of the past. By contrast, Karpov, 53, headed the Soviet negotiating team during the final months of SALT II and was proudly present during the ceremony in Vienna. He represents Brezhnev's determination to "preserve what is positive that has already been accomplished...
According to a Soviet official who is advising the Kremlin on arms-control policy, Brezhnev has deliberately avoided referring to SALT by name. He recognizes that Reagan's repeated denunciation of SALT as "fatally flawed" during the 1980 presidential campaign and in the first year of his Administration makes it impossible for the President to reverse himself and ratify the treaty. But the Soviets are counting on the impact of their own negotiating tactics, combined with growing pressure from the West European allies and the nuclear-freeze movement in the U.S., to improve prospects for a new pact. Moscow...
...first point, the Soviets have already seen the Administration come a long way. On Memorial Day, Reagan reluctantly and belatedly committed the U.S. to abiding by the unratified 1979 SALT II agreement, as well as the expired 1972 SALT I accord on offensive weapons, as long as the Soviets do the same. He had been persuaded, primarily by his military advisers, that in the absence of the SALT limits, Moscow could proliferate its warheads much more quickly than the U.S. could take either offensive or defensive countermeasures. In an interview with TIME last month, Brezhnev's chief spokesman Leonid...
...leaving SALT in place as what the Administration calls an "interim measure" is one thing. Resurrecting it as a basis for the Rowny-Karpov talks is quite another. Both literally and figuratively, Reagan has changed the name of the game. He has rechristened the negotiations START, for Strategic Arms Reduction Talks, as a somewhat artificial way to distinguish his Administration's goals from those of its predecessor. The Soviets profess to share the desire for reductions; they have even added the word to the Russian designation of the talks ("Our first concession," says Zamyatin with a wry smile...