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...WEEK after spring vacation, President Pusey--who'd recently announced that "the current notion that the military-industrial complex is an evil thing does not correspond with reality"--promised that the Corporation would "do everything possible to keep ROTC." In protest, 450 SDS sympathizers met to vote down--three times--an anti-ROTC building occupation. Instead, 300 SDS people marched to Pusey's house--Jessie L. Gill, a militant member who acknowledged last spring that she'd been a CIA infiltrator, pushed a guard aside--and tacked six demands to his door. Three of the demands dealt with ROTC...

Author: By Seth M. Kupferberg, | Title: A History of the Strike | 4/15/1974 | See Source »

...April 9--the day of the University Hall Occupation--the Standing Committee issued its "tentative proposal for concentration in Afro-American Studies to prospective concentrators. Two days later, just following the Bust, Afro officially allied itself with the SDS Strike position and issued a statement charging the University with "purposely violating its agreement to establish a meaningful" Afro-American studies program. The Standing Committee's tentative proposal included a requirement that concentrators specialize in an "allied field." This joint-concentration requirement--more than anything else--angered the Afro leadership, and in the highly charged and militant atmosphere that followed...

Author: By Geoffrey D. Garin, | Title: Black Militancy: A Special Case | 4/15/1974 | See Source »

...tell, five years later, what importance the strikers placed on the specific demands of the Strike, so it's possible that we've placed unwarranted stress on them. The demands dealing with university expansion, for example, came almost exclusively from the Progressive Labor faction of SDS--one indication of the deep divisions within even the minority of students who could properly be labeled militant. Our emphasis on specific issues may obscure more important sources of conflict; the strikers' opposition to the administration may have had much more general roots than any appearing in their demands. But even if this...

Author: By Seth M. Kupferberg, | Title: Introduction: The Strike as History | 4/15/1974 | See Source »

...guess, five years later, how we'd have felt in 1969 about the occupation of University Hall despite the opposition of a majority even of SDS, and we can't even tell for sure how we feel about it now. We don't share the administration's reverence for its property rights in what we believe is our university. By provoking the Bust, the occupation succeeded in creating a student unity we've never known around demands which we believe were valid. But broken heads is a heavy price for unity; and subsequent events showed that Progressive Labor's belief...

Author: By Seth M. Kupferberg, | Title: Introduction: The Strike as History | 4/15/1974 | See Source »

Near the end of November, the SFAC considered the first of the proposals that dealt with ROTC, the one that had been formulated by SDS--total expulsion of the program. That motion was easily defeated. The SDS position was that Harvard, for moral and political reasons, should refuse to allow ROTC on campus in any form. SDS, like the other organizations, lacked a formal vehicle to bring its proposals before the Faculty. But on November 20, the organization announced that Hilary Putnam, professor of Philosophy, would present its case for total expulsion...

Author: By Robin Freedberg, | Title: ROTC Makes A Stormy Exit | 4/15/1974 | See Source »

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