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...political expediency? Republican fund raisers such as Floyd Brown see a bait-and-switch tactic that they hope to capitalize on by portraying her as massively influencing everything from the appointment of the deputy assistant undersecretary for technology transfer to a decision on whether the U.S. should bomb Serbian artillery lines. In his newsletter, Clinton Watch, Brown calls the President "a captive of the radical left, of which his boss, Hillary, is a member in good standing...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: At The Center Of POWER | 5/10/1993 | See Source »

...Vance-Owen peace plan and laid siege to a new brace of Muslim towns. Boris Yeltsin, his referendum victory safe, announced he would no longer shield the Serbs indiscriminately from "the will of the world." Former Secretary of State George Shultz, among others, counseled military force. People compared the Serbian aggression to the Holocaust, thus suggesting that intervention was a moral necessity. Meanwhile, Clinton consulted. Dozens of members of Congress, eyeing polls that said only 30% of the public supported air strikes, rejected the Holocaust comparison for one to the Vietnam quagmire. Others disagreed. The military's top brass debated...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Clinton Faces the Bosnian Brute | 5/10/1993 | See Source »

When the meeting was over, Clinton had settled on a new, tougher approach toward Serbian aggression. But the long-awaited decision was less a firm policy than a work in progress, "a direction the U.S. and its allies should now take, including military steps," as Secretary of State Warren Christopher put it after the session, subject to further consultations with Congress and the Europeans...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: To Bomb Or Not To Bomb? | 5/10/1993 | See Source »

...used overwhelming force to win complete victory. But eventually they came to Clinton united. Neither wanted to commit American ground forces. Both were willing to exempt the Bosnian Muslims from the arms embargo. They agreed that air strikes would be unlikely to accomplish ambitious goals like rolling back Serbian territorial gains. Air Force Chief of Staff Merrill A. McPeak testified that his bombers could "put out of business" most Serbian artillery in Bosnia at "virtually no risk" to U.S. pilots. True enough, Aspin and Powell told Clinton, but that would accomplish little if the Serbs just moved their artillery. Strategically...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: To Bomb Or Not To Bomb? | 5/10/1993 | See Source »

...requirements for military action that seemed to rule it out. He and National Security Adviser Anthony Lake eventually concurred on lifting the arms embargo and launching limited air strikes if required to protect the Bosnians in the meantime. They do not expect to roll back all Serbian gains, and they think the U.S. should endorse any solution adopted by all the Bosnian factions -- as long as it inflicts some penalty for ethnic cleansing. In practice, that means accepting the current Vance-Owen plan, even if it gives the Serbs nearly everything they want...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: To Bomb Or Not To Bomb? | 5/10/1993 | See Source »

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