Word: sino
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Dates: during 1930-1939
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...present at this meeting may have the subtle satisfaction of considering himself exempt from this expression of viewpoint if he so desires. However, the point is a sophisticated one and may be overlooked in a majority of cases. The same procedure was used at a "special meeting" on the Sino-Japanese crisis, and the same procedure will be used at future Liberal Club meetings where the subject is one which seems to warrant collective action on the part of those addressed...
...JAPAN SPEAKS on THE SINO-JAPANESE CRISIS-K. K. Kawakami, Washington correspondent of the Tokyo Hoclii Shimbun-Macmillan...
...peace of Asia, if there is to be peace, was more nearly in the hands of Sir John Allsebrook Simon last week than in those of any other man. At Geneva the British Foreign Secretary suavely brought the League Assembly around to a certain way of looking at the Sino-Japanese situation. This viewpoint approximated that of President Hoover and Secretary Stimson. Meanwhile at Shanghai, where the Japanese victory had become embarrassingly pyrrhic (see p. 16), worried Japanese generals, admirals and diplomats flocked around the British Minister, Sir Miles Wedderburn Lampson, who was, of course, under orders from his chief...
Scrutinizing with legal detachment the developments of the Sino-Japanese crisis, President Lowell, in Foreign Affairs, reenforces his advocacy of an economic boycott by a thoughtful analysis of the relations of the League of Nations and the United States to the affair. Although its chronological summary of the diplomacy involved and its pessimistic prophesy for the future degeneration of the League are careful and thorough, the article's greatest importance lies in a penetrating criticism of the legal aspects of the Kellogg-Briand Pact and a presagement of international instability as a consequence of Secretary Stimson's January 7 letter...
...want discussed). The Russian Government was on the qui vive (see p. 20). Thus Japan was not under pressure from any "united front'' presented by the Great Powers last week. Japanese correspondents cabled to Tokyo from Washington that President Hoover and Secretary Stimson had "split" on the Sino-Japanese issue, the President wanting to do nothing and the Secretary of State wanting to write a stern note to Japan. Tokyo, hearing this, accepted the Stimson-to-Borah letter as "proof" that Mr. Hoover had not let Mr. Stimson write to Japan...