Word: stalinist
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Investigators in Oslo speculate that Haavik resolved to get to Russia to be reunited with her soldier lover after he was repatriated-a plan she fulfilled when posted to the Norwegian embassy in Moscow. But the soldier was threatened with imprisonment-in Stalinist times a common fate for ex-P.O.W.s whose loyalty was deemed questionable. The KGB offered to help, promising that he would be safe if she performed some favors at the embassy. Haavik never saw her lover again, but she became ensnared in the KGB system. By 1949, when Norway entered NATO, she was ready with...
...oblivious to the imminence of what he would later call "Stalin's dark night." The revelations of the Twentieth Congress came as a grave shock to Neruda, one which the Memoirs show he could only hesitatingly accept. He refutes accusations in the Memoirs that he remained a die-hard Stalinist, even after the Congress, yet he writes that he can never forget that Stalin had appeared to the world as the "titanic defender" of the Russian Revolution, the leader of the Red Army that "attacked and demolished the power of Hitler's demons." He wrote only one poem to Stalin...
...former Politburo Member František Kriegel, former Party Secretary Zdenek Mlynar, Student Leader Jiři Mueller, Dramatist Vaclav Havel and the widow and son of Rudolf Slánský, the Czechoslovak Communist Party secretary-general who was executed in 1952 during Stalinist-style purges. Dubček, who now holds a minor bureaucratic post in the Forestry Commission in Bratislava, was not among the signers...
Following this auspicious beginning, Ms. Fraser's letter degenerates into a wasteland of cliche and propaganda. Spewing out such terms as "class conscious protest," the "Imperialist puppet regime," and "the Stalinist deformed workers state," the author fights to disguise her letter's basic implausibility. Reading like a typical showpiece for any sort of disreputable organization, the letter struggles for legitimacy by using technical jargon and meaningless prose. Appropriately enough, the letter closes with further allusions to "imperialist spies," "imperialist research," and "imperialist butchery...
While we place no faith in the North Korean Stalinist bureaucracy to extend social revolution to the South (or to anywhere else), we stand for unconditional military defense of the nationalized property forms in the North against imperialist attack. In North Korea, we call for political revolution against Kim Il Sung and his dynasty to establish the democratic rule of workers Soviets; in South Korea we understand that only a Trotskyist party with a revolutionary program of independent workers struggle against capitalism and its Stalinist collaborators can lead the way to socialist revolution...